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Imagined Empires
The publisher gratefully acknowledges the generous support of the Ahmanson Foundation Humanities Endowment Fund of the University of California Press Foundation.
Imagined Empires
A HISTORY OF REVOLT IN EGYPT
Zeinab Abul-Magd
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS
BERKELEYLOS ANGELESLONDON
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University of California Press
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University of California Press, Ltd.
London, England
©2013 by The Regents of the University of California
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Abul-Magd, Zeinab, 1976
Imagined empires : a history of revolt in Egypt / Zeinab Abul-Magd.
pagescm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-520-27552-2 (cloth : acid-free paper) —
ISBN 978-0-520-27553-9 (paper : acid-free paper)
eISBN 9780520956537
1. Egypt—Politics and government. 2. Peasants—Political activity—Egypt—History. 3. Working class—Political activity—Egypt—History. 4. Government, Resistance to—Egypt—History. 5. Revolutions—Egypt—History. 6. Imperialism—History. 7. Egypt—Colonial influence. 8. Elite (Social sciences)—Egypt—History. I. Title.
DT82.A675 2013
962’.3—dc232013003749
Manufactured in the United States of America
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In keeping with a commitment to support environmentally responsible and sustainable printing practices, UC Press has printed this book on Rolland Enviro100, a 100% post-consumer fiber paper that is FSC certified, deinked, processed chlorine-free, and manufactured with renewable biogas energy. It is acid-free and EcoLogo certified.
CONTENTS
Acknowledgments
Introduction: Imagined Empires, Real Rebels
1 • Ottomans, Plague, and Rebellion (1500–1800)
2 • The French, Plague Encore, and Jihad (1798–1801)
3 • The Pasha’s Settlers, Bulls, and Bandits (1805–1848)
4 • A “Communist” Revolution (1848–1882)
5 • Rebellion in the Time of Cholera (1882–1950)
Epilogue: America—The Last Imagined Empire?
Notes
Bibliography
Art Credits
Index
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This book was supported by my graduate work in Georgetown University’s History Department and by grants from Georgetown’s Graduate School and Oberlin College. Its production would not have been possible without the invaluable and precious support of many colleagues and friends in the United States and Egypt. First of all, the greatest thanks are due to Judith Tucker, my former advisor at Georgetown University. Late Faruk Tabak of Georgetown thoughtfully helped with earlier stages of writing the manuscript. Many thanks are due to Timothy Mitchell, Khaled Fahmy, and Peter Gran, who were very generous with their time and ideas in discussing earlier versions of the book. Many graduate colleagues have been of indispensable help throughout the years of researching and writing, especially Dina Khalifa, Dina Shehata, Nadya Sabiti, Sara Scalenghe, Mohamed Said Ezz El-Din, Aurelie Perrier, and many others at Georgetown’s Center for Contemporary Arab Studies.
I would also like to thank all the great historians and researchers at the National Archives of Egypt whom I met and had fruitful discussions with, especially Emad Hilal, Magdi Guirguis, Nelly Hanna, Gennifer Derr, Shana Minkin, Alan Mikhail, Lisa Pollard, and Will Hanley. At Oberlin College, I have found much support from many colleagues, including Frances Hasso and Sam White. Furthermore, I have to advance many thanks to Max Strasser and Avi Asher-Schapiro, my wonderful students who copyedited the manuscript. Finally, in Upper Egypt, the dear region about which this book was written, I would like to thank all the revolutionary youth of the south and my parents.
FIGURE 1. Nineteenth-century map of Egypt that shows Qina Province (Keneh) located in the south/Upper Egypt (see arrow).
INTRODUCTION
Imagined Empires, Real Rebels
Empire is almighty. It is an all-encompassing political entity capable of penetrating places big and small, near and far, and establishing full hegemony. The semidivine omnipotence of empire is made manifest not only in its ability to control the high politics of the metropolis but also in its penetration of the daily life of peoples in the remotest places—in the periphery of the periphery of the empire. Wherever it appears, empire is competent, fast, and successful in achieving its goals and altering people’s lives. But that is a myth. Omnipotent empire was imagined. Although empire managed to extend into the farthest places on earth, it failed in that which it thought itself to be most competent, instead leaving behind environmental devastation and revolt. The history of Qina Province, a small place deep in the south of Egypt, over the last five hundred years proves this case.
On the eve of the Egyptian Revolution of 2011, I visited the southern half of the country, Upper Egypt, in order to conduct field research for this book. In the farmlands bordering a small town in Qina Province, I noticed an enormous cylindrical, silver building that looked alien to its surroundings. When I inquired about its contents, I learned that this was a silo for the wheat from the US Agency for International Development (USAID). The controversial American food aid to Egypt, which many analysts believe to be a tool of imperial hegemony through the establishment of grain dependency, had made its way to the farthest reaches of Upper Egypt. I also learned that the “informal empire” made an appearance in the province in many other ways.1 For almost twenty years before the 2011 revolution, deposed President Hosni Mubarak’s economic reform program—which followed the neoliberal “Washington Consensus”—deeply hurt the large number of sugarcane cultivators in Qina. The former legal codes of landholding, promulgated by the Arab socialist regime of the 1960s, were reversed by a new code of private property, Law 96 of 1992. Peasants were evicted from land that the state had returned to the elite families of the pre-1952 colonial era.2
Under Mubarak’s overthrown regime, the US presence in Upper Egypt was conspicuously strong, yet failing. Its failure throughout Egypt was a major reason for the eruption of the 2011 revolution. American market reforms, confidently advocated as the most efficient way toward economic development, did not yield results in Upper Egypt, even two decades after their application. The southern provinces, including Qina, were and still are known, to be the most underdeveloped regions throughout the country’s modern history. The UN Development Programme’s annual reports on Arab human development place Upper Egypt at the bottom of the ladder of human development, and several World Bank reports allude to the same fact.3 On the eve of the 2011 revolution, protests against the failed empire spread