Kristin Conner Doughty

Remediation in Rwanda


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      Remediation in Rwanda

      THE ETHNOGRAPHY OF POLITICAL VIOLENCE

      Tobias Kelly, Series Editor

      A complete list of books in the series is available from the publisher.

       Remediation in Rwanda

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       Grassroots Legal Forums

      Kristin Conner Doughty

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      UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA PRESS

      PHILADELPHIA

      Copyright © 2016 University of Pennsylvania Press

      All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations used for purposes of review or scholarly citation, none of this book may be reproduced in any form by any means without written permission from the publisher.

      Published by

      University of Pennsylvania Press

      Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19104-4112

       www.upenn.edu/pennpress

      Printed in the United States of America

      on acid-free paper

      10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

       Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

      Doughty, Kristin, author.

      Remediation of Rwanda : grassroots legal forums / Kristin Conner Doughty.

      pages cm.— (The ethnography of political violence)

      ISBN 978-0-8122-4783-1 (alk. paper)

      1. Rwanda—History—1994–. 2. Restorative justice—Rwanda. 3. Transitional justice—Rwanda. 4. Peace-building—Rwanda. 5. Postwar reconstruction—Law and legislation—Rwanda. 6. Gacaca justice system—Rwanda. 7. Rwandans—Social conditions. I. Title. II. Series: Ethnography of political violence.

      DT450.44.D68 2016

      967.57104′31—dc23

      2015026168

       To Josh, Natalie, and Noah, with love

       Contents

       Introduction: Harmony Legal Models and the Architecture of Social Repair

       Chapter 1. Silencing the Past: Producing History and the Politics of Memory

       Chapter 2. Escaping Dichotomies: Grassroots Law in Historical and Global Context

       Chapter 3. Gacaca Days and Genocide Citizenship

       Chapter 4. Comite y’Abunzi: Politics and Poetics of the Ordinary

       Chapter 5. The Legal Aid Clinic: Mediation as Thick Description

       Chapter 6. Improvising Authority: Lay Judges as Intermediaries

       Conclusion: Legal Architectures of Social Repair

       Notes

       Bibliography

       Index

       Acknowledgments

       Introduction

      Harmony Legal Models and the Architecture of Social Repair

      This book tells the story of how the Rwandan government aimed to remediate the country’s social ills in the aftermath of the 1994 genocide, and to rebuild the social fabric through revitalizing a traditional practice of mediation and embedding it in grassroots legal forums. Government officials hoped to use local courts as part of a broader architecture of social repair to help re-create families, repair communities, and rebuild a unified nation, consistent with the global rise in transitional justice. The three legal forums at the heart of this book—genocide courts called inkiko gacaca, mediation committees called comite y’abunzi, and a legal aid clinic—used mediation by third-party actors with the power of punishment to advocate compromise solutions across a wide range of disputes. This book describes how people’s lives were shaped by law-based mediation. It illustrates how people contested collective belonging through the micro-disputes that formed the warp and woof of daily life, and how people negotiated moral community and imagined alternative futures through debates in these new legal forums. By looking across a range of legal forums, it connects the exceptionalism of disputes about genocide to the ordinary disputes people faced living in its aftermath.

      Mediation-based models are by no means limited to Rwanda; they are increasingly implemented by state and international actors, especially in postconflict contexts, often in the name of customary law, local solutions, or restorative justice. This is therefore a story about rebuilding in Rwanda, but also a broader story of how the global embrace of law, particularly in postconflict contexts, shapes people’s lives. Though law-based mediation is framed as benign, and is often promoted on the basis of local culture—by domestic governments such as Rwanda as well as by the transitional justice movement more broadly—I show that its implementation involves coercion and accompanying resistance. Yet, perhaps unexpectedly, in grassroots legal forums that are deeply contextualized, processes based on promoting unity can open up spaces in which people reconstruct moral orders, negotiating what Kimberly Theidon has called the “micropolitics of reconciliation” (Theidon 2012).

      Legal Disputes in the Aftermath of Genocide

      This book adds another strand to the complex story of how Rwandans rebuilt their social lives in the wake of genocide.1 From April to July 1994, devastating state-led violence designed to exterminate the country’s minority Tutsi population spread from the capital, Kigali, throughout the country.2 The extraordinary violence was perpetrated by the military and ordinary civilians, and it extended deep into everyday landscapes, touching all Rwandans. It was framed by a civil war and subsequent violent political and military struggles, ultimately claiming up to a million lives. Since the moment the worst of the violence abated, victims, perpetrators, bystanders, their families, and the recently returned diaspora population have lived side by side across the country’s tightly packed hillsides.

      In the mid-1990s, as bodies lay unburied, and refugees streamed out of Rwanda fleeing retaliatory violence, equal numbers crossed into Rwanda after years in exile. These diaspora people replaced, and eventually exceeded, the dead. Within little more than a decade later, this cosmopolitan mixture of people mingled in markets and manually tilled their adjacent fields, they rode pressed hip to hip and shoulder to shoulder in minibus taxis, and their children sat together in schoolrooms. Reports and documents produced by the Rwandan government and international nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) commonly diagnosed postgenocide Rwanda as suffering from a “devastated” social fabric among these people, including the “destruction of family bonds” (Biruta 2006:155; Ministry of Finance 2000; Ndangiza 2007).