Perry Anderson

The New Old World


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Jean Monnet, p. 364.

      12. Jean Monnet, p. 270.

      13. Jean Monnet, Mémoires, Paris 1976, p. 577.

      14. Jean Monnet, p. 357.

      15. The European Rescue of the Nation-State, p. 375.

      16. The European Rescue of the Nation-State, p. 433.

      17. The European Rescue of the Nation-State, pp. 395, 432.

      18. The European Rescue of the Nation-State, p. 433.

      19. The Frontiers of National Sovereignty, p. 195.

      20. ‘Allegiance: The Past and the Future’, Journal of European Integration, 1995, No. 1, Vol. 1, p. 14.

      21. The European Rescue of the Nation-State, p. 186.

      22. The European Rescue of the Nation-State, pp. 446–7.

      23. Duchêne, Jean Monnet, p. 390.

      24. Jean Monnet, p. 20.

      25. Margaret Thatcher, The Downing Street Years, London 1993, pp. 727, 729–730.

      26. The Downing Street Years, p. 536.

      27. The Downing Street Years, pp. 549–51.

      28. The Downing Street Years, pp. 765–6.

      29. The Downing Street Years, p. 742.

      30. The Downing Street Years, pp. 70, 742, 736.

      31. Friedrich Hayek, Individualism and Economic Order, Chicago 1948, pp. 264–5. Retrospectively, Hayek’s clairvoyance is all the more striking for the distance between the context in which he was writing and the arrival of European Monetary Union. His essay published in September 1939, was a contribution to the debates around differing conceptions and schemes of federal union in the leading forum devoted to these, The New Commonwealth Quarterly. Its immediate background was the sudden wave of enthusiasm in the wake of Munich for schemes of federal union as a barrier against Nazi expansion, set off by the American publicist Clarence Streit’s call for the world’s fifteen democracies to league together against the Axis powers (see below p. 497). Intellectually, Hayek was inspired by the case made by Lionel Robbins for the “deplanning’’ of the interventionism of the past half century’ (Economic Planning and International Order, London 1937, p. 248; The History of Freedom and Other Essays, London 1907, p. 98), and by Acton’s belief that ‘of all checks on democracy, federalism has been the most efficacious and the most congenial’. Politically, he seems to have viewed Streit’s proposal for a Democratic Union stretching from the United States through Britain to Australia with understandable scepticism, plumping instead, along with Robbins, for an Anglo-French union once the war had broken out. By the time of The Road to Serfdom (1944), he was commending Ivor Jenning’s now forgotten treatise A Federation for Western Europe (1940) for post-war consideration. But when European integration eventually got under way with the Schuman Plan, the Coal and Steel Community was too dirigiste to win his sympathy.

      32. Wynne Godley, ‘Maastricht and All That’, London Review of Books, 8 October 1992.

      33. Friedrich Hayek, Denationalisation of Money: The Argument Refined, London 1978, pp. 19–20.

      34. Tommaso Padoa-Schioppa, L’Europa verso l’unione monetaria, Turin 1992, pp. xii, 189.

      35. ‘Macro-coordination of fiscal policies in an economic and monetary union’, Report on Economic and Monetary Union in the European Community, Luxembourg 1989, p. 101.

      36. Conor Cruise O’Brien, ‘Pursuing a Chimera’, Times Literary Supplement, 13 March 1992.

      37. Bernard Connolly, The Rotten Heart of Europe, London 1995, p. 64.

      38. The Rotten Heart of Europe, pp. 391–2.

      39. Czesław Miłosz, ‘Central European Attitudes’, in George Schöpflin and Nancy Wood (eds), In Search of Central Europe, London 1989, p. 116.

      40. Milan Kundera, ‘The Tragedy of Central Europe’, New York Review of Books, 26 April 1984; see also George Schöpflin, ‘Central Europe: Definitions and Old and New’, In Search of Central Europe, pp. 7–29.

      41. London 1994. Like most writers in this genre, Applebaum is not always consistent—in the mediaeval period, Poland is accounted an ‘average central European country’: p. 48.

      42. Friedrich Naumann, Mittleleuropa, Berlin 1915, pp. 3, 129–31, 222ff, 254ff.

      43. Naumann, Mitteleuropa, pp. 30, 67–71, 232–8, 242.

      44. J.G.A. Pocock, ‘Deconstructing Europe’, London Review of Books, 19 December 1991; now in The Discovery of Islands, Cambridge 2005, p. 287.

      45. Timothy Garton Ash, ‘Catching the Wrong Bus?’, Times Literary Supplement, 5 May 1995.

      46. Keith Middlemas, Orchestrating Europe, London 1995, pp. 664–5.

      47. Duchêne, Jean Monnet, p. 320.

      48. Garton Ash, ‘Catching the Wrong Bus?’

      49. Jacques Attali, Europe(s), Paris 1994, pp. 15, 147–50, 181–99.

      OUTCOMES

      2007

      An epiphany is beguiling Europe. Far from dwindling in historical significance, the Old World is about to assume an importance for humanity it never, in all its days of dubious past glory, possessed. At the end of Postwar, his eight-hundred-page account of the continent since 1945, the historian Tony Judt exclaims at ‘Europe’s emergence in the dawn of the twenty-first century as a paragon of the international virtues: a community of values held up by Europeans and non-Europeans alike as an exemplar for all to emulate’. The reputation, he eagerly assures us, is ‘well-earned’.1 The same vision grips the seers of New Labour. Why Europe Will Run the 21st Century declaims the title of a manifesto by Mark Leonard, the party’s foreign policy Wunderkind. ‘Imagine a world of peace, prosperity and democracy’, he enjoins the reader. ‘What I am asking you to imagine is the “New European Century” ’. How will this entrancing prospect come about? ‘Europe represents a synthesis of the energy and freedom that come from liberalism with the stability and welfare that come from social democracy. As the world becomes richer and moves beyond satisfying basic needs such as hunger and health, the European way of life will become irresistible’.2 Really? Absolutely. ‘As India, Brazil, South Africa, and even China develop economically and express themselves politically, the European model will represent an irresistibly attractive way of enhancing their prosperity whilst protecting their security. They will join with the EU in building “a New European Century” ’.3

      Not to be outdone, the futurologist Jeremy Rifkin—American by birth, but by any standards an honorary European: indeed a personal adviser to Romano Prodi when he was president of the European Commission—has offered his guide to The European Dream. Seeking ‘harmony, not hegemony’, he tells us, the EU ‘has all the right markings to claim the moral high ground on the journey toward a third stage of human consciousness. Europeans have laid out a visionary roadmap to a new promised land, one dedicated to re-affirming the life-instinct and the Earth’s indivisibility’.4 After a lyrical survey of this route—typical staging-posts: ‘Governing without a Centre’, ‘Romancing the Civil Society’, ‘A Second Enlightenment’—Rifkin, warning us against