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Cheating Academic Integrity


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(Mulholland, 2020). In contrast, the surveys used by McCabe et al. (2012) and Curtis and Tremayne (2021) mostly require students to recognize a behavior they may have engaged in during an assessment, rather than label that behavior as plagiarism or cheating. People may be more likely to admit to socially undesirable behaviors if they do not label them as deviant (MacDonald and Nail, 2005). In addition, the survey used by Curtis and Tremayne (2021) asks students whether they have ever engaged in behaviors that are arguably less serious, and thus likely more common, than the behaviors examined in the other two time‐lag studies. In contrast, McCabe et al.'s (2012) surveys asked students to report behavior of only the past year. Therefore, it makes sense that Curtis and Tremayne (2021) report the highest prevalence of plagiarism/cheating. Furthermore, the survey used by McCabe et al. (2012) asks about nine different behaviors as compared with only three or four in the surveys used by Stiles et al. (2018). Having more behaviors, any of which would constitute a single instance of plagiarism cheating, means that McCabe et al. (2012) would be more likely to get affirmative responses than Stiles et al. (2018).

      Returning to the prevalence trends, an important question to ask is, why might the trend in academic integrity breaches be downward since at least 1994? The authors of the studies themselves offer some differing explanations. Controversially, Stiles et al. (2018) predicted that cheating might be higher among the 2014 sample because the sample is composed of “millennial” students who evince attitudes of “entitlement”. Although Stiles et al. (2018) found that students’ feelings of entitlement correlated positively with their engagement in cheating and plagiarism, this does not explain why cheating was, in fact, lower in the 2014 study, especially as there was an additional item in the 2014 survey that may have led to more cheating being reported than in their earlier surveys. McCabe et al. (2012) suggest that technological changes, including internet‐based plagiarism not covered in their survey, may account for some of the reduced rates of plagiarism and cheating. In addition, McCabe (2016) reports a relationship between institutions having honor codes and lower rates of plagiarism and cheating. Such reports of the impact of honor codes date back to McCabe and colleagues’ earlier work, and therefore, some institutions may have implemented honor codes over time in response to previous research. Curtis and Tremayne (2021) attribute the reduction in plagiarism and cheating observed in their study to specific academic integrity education modules taught at Western Sydney University, the increased use of text‐matching software, and improved assessment practices.

      As McCabe et al. (2012) note, internet access became more widespread over the past 30 years. In 2007/2008, they added additional questions about internet use to their surveys and found that nearly 95 percent of students who had engaged in cut‐and‐paste plagiarism had done so from internet sources. It has been argued that just as the internet may facilitate copying and pasting, the internet also has a role in deterring and detecting this behavior with the advent of text‐matching software (Curtis and Vardanega, 2016; Park, 2003). McCabe et al. (2012) argued that “If students know that faculty will be checking … such cut‐and‐paste plagiarism may decline” (p. 71). However, a form of cheating that is potentially undetectable by text‐matching software is outsourced, ghost‐written work.

      Charting trends in contract cheating in the past 30 years is complicated by the fact that only one of the three studies reviewed in the previous section included a measure of commercial contract cheating. The studies reported by Curtis and Tremayne (2021) found percentages of commercial contract cheating of 3.1 percent (2004), 3.4 percent (2009), 2.8 percent (2014), and 2.8–3.5 percent (2019). These percentages did not differ significantly over time or between any two pairs of years.

      For this chapter, I have updated and re‐analyzed Newton's (2018) data to consider more recent studies. Specifically, I obtained Newton's (2018) table of the studies he analyzed, and their details, and added to these the details of the following studies: Foltýnek and Králíková (2018), Bretag et al. (2019), Rundle et al. (2019), Curtis and Tremayne (2021), and Awdry (2020). These five additional studies surveyed over 25,000 students, and increase the total sample reported by Newton (2018) by over 45 percent. After adding these studies’ data, I then: 1. re‐ran the analysis of commercial contract cheating prevalence and trends; 2. analyzed the data including only studies 1990–2020; and 3. analyzed the 1990–2020 studies that came from majority English‐speaking countries. To explain the third of these analyses, all studies analyzed by Newton (2018) from 1990–2008 were from majority English‐speaking countries; however, half of the studies since 2009 were not. In addition, some of the highest percentages of commercial contract cheating were reported in recent studies from non‐English‐speaking countries, suggesting that these outlier results may be attributable to the peculiarities of the sample, methods, or academic culture. Limiting analyses to the most frequent language group of the nations among the studies allows for closer to like‐with‐like comparisons.