the protagonists in the mouth of Hell by the presence of devils. The inclusion of lesbianism here is unique, perhaps reflecting concerns over sexual aberrations to the increasingly problematic “special friendships” among nuns in convents.
The Ovide moralisé is a secular version of the Bible moralisée. Its primary function was to re-evaluate the pagan elements contained in Ovid’s Metamorphoses. In one fourteenth-century manuscript located in the Bibliothèque nationale in Paris, a page devoted to the story of Jupiter and Ganymede accurately illustrates Ovid’s conception of Jupiter as an enthroned king of heaven awaiting the eagle’s delivery of Ganymede. The text below the image chastises Jupiter for giving in to a desire that was “against law and against nature”. Such a rebuke against a powerful deity suggests that artists and authors were no longer interested in ancient literature for its philosophical content, but as a source for didactic rhetoric against its pagan and carnal elements (Saslow, pp.70–1).
48. Adam and Eve and Sodomites, 13th-14th century.
Illuminated manuscript from La Bible Moralisée.
Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna.
49. Guido da Pisa, Dante and Virgil Meet the Sodomites, inspired by Inferno, Canto 15, c. 1345.
Illuminated manuscript. Musée Condé, Chantilly.
One of the most popular and recognisable moralising texts of the Middle Ages was Dante Alighieri’s Divine Comedy. Dante (1265–1321) is considered one of the greatest of the medieval poets and one of the founders of Italian literature. His Divine Comedy, the premier epic poem of Christianity, envisions Dante’s pilgrimage through hell, purgatory, and heaven. In the poem, the damned are subdivided into five groups according to the severity of their transgressions. Along his journey, Dante twice encounters sodomites. In Cantos 14 through 16 of the Inferno (Hell), the sodomites are confined to the seventh circle or the circle of the violent. Sodomy is understood here as violence against God’s creation. Those guilty of it are lumped together with blasphemers who do violence to God in speech, and with usurers who commit violence against the nature of money. Sodomites are sentenced to run naked over burning sand and under a steady rain of fire – a punishment reminiscent of the biblical destruction of Sodom itself.
Due to suggestions of a non-committal stance against sodomy on Dante’s part, it is believed that he did not outright condemn it as vice. In Cantos 14 through 16 of the Divine Comedy, Dante seems to soften his stance on sodomy – seeing it as a sin positioned only one step below salvation. In his journey through purgatory, Dante encounters penitent sodomites (Purgatorio, p.26). The sodomites and those guilty of other “unnatural” heterosexual activities move in two interlocking groups, each calling out the name of his sin. More than sodomy, heterosexual lust and its penance are prevalent throughout the Divine Comedy. This suggests that Dante wanted to minimise sodomy as an evil and felt no need to join in the exaggerated denunciations of it by many of his contemporary theologians (Mark D. Jordan, “Dante Alighieri,” in Haggerty, pp.242–3).
Dante’s Divine Comedy also shows sensitivity to the emotional and spiritual rewards of male friendship (amicitia). Along his journey, Dante is accompanied by an escort identified as the Latin poet Virgil. This, plus the fact that Dante references many mythological creatures and joins them into a grand religious synthesis, indicates that he was well-versed in classical literature. The largest illustration of Dante’s poem is a fresco by the fourteenth-century artist Nardo di Cione, located in Santa Maria Novella in Florence. The fresco dates from the 1350s and labels the individual compartments of the Inferno (Saslow, p.70). Nardo’s illustration for the seventh circle is vague in that where the sodomites should be the artist only shows generic sufferers and omits the one incriminating caption, “Violent against nature”. Saslow has suggested that the artist’s evasiveness regarding the sodomites may reflect growing revulsion against even the mention of the vice in the wake of the Black Plague that was devastating Europe in 1348 (Saslow, p.71).
Despite downplaying the severity of sodomy as sin, the reference to sodomy at all in Nardo’s large-scale fresco cycle is rare in the history of art. Sodomy and sodomites were more frequently illustrated in smaller, private manuscript copies of Dante’s poem. In fact, the vast majority of the art of the Middle Ages was restricted to manuscript illustration and other minor art forms, which in turn were typically commissioned by nobles and churchmen, both of whom had been especially targeted as suspected practitioners of sodomy. Back in the fourth century, Saint Basil had admitted that homosexuality was a particular problem among monks. It was, however, the nobility that had the leisure and wealth to indulge in any and all hedonistic appetites. In addition to the numerous illuminated manuscripts produced from the thirteenth through fifteenth centuries, warnings about sodomy were directed specifically at monks and aristocrats in church architecture and furnishings. The carved capital showing the Rape of Ganymede at Sainte Madeleine in Vézelay is one such example.
50. Templar Embracing a Cleric, c. 1350.
Illuminated manuscript from Jacques de Longuyon, Les Vœux du Paon. The Pierpont Morgan Library, New York.
51. Richard Puller and His Page Burned at the Stake in Zurich, 1482, c. 1483.
Illuminated manuscript from Diebold Schilling, Die Grosse Burgunder-Chronik. Zentralbibliothek, Zurich.
The Middle Ages technically ended in 1492, when Ferdinand and Isabella re-conquered Spain from the Muslims and sponsored Christopher Columbus’ voyage to the Americas. At this time in Italy, Renaissance humanism and neo-Platonism began to spread, thus altering perceptions of human indulgences. As laws against sodomy increased in frequency and severity during the late medieval period, more sexual subcultures appeared and more clandestine sexual encounters occurred in many European cities, especially in London, Cologne, and in many Italian urban centres. The combination of sodomy as a religious taboo along with an increase in the number of underground sexual practitioners provoked an “administrative process of repression” and innovative policing procedures (Johansson & Percy, p.177). Alarmed by an increase in secular knowledge and a rebirth of paganism, a waning medieval society doubled its efforts to eradicate sodomy. In places like Germany, however, the persecution of sodomites and those accused of witchcraft increased with a vengeance. Enthusiasm for public executions and public humiliation of homosexuals increased. Burning at the stake remained the most spectacular form of capital punishment for sodomy.
The problem of successfully regulating sodomy became most apparent in fifteenth-century Florence, where a crackdown on homosexual activity was unsuccessful due to its widespread practice among young males. In Florence, the penalties for sodomy were gradually reduced as the number of those convicted increased (Johansson & Percy, p.177). However, strategies of repression mounted and manifested themselves in the form of mutilation, exile, fines, and other drastic measures including being burned alive.
Of all the minority groups within medieval society it was women who were, according to Jacqueline Murray, the “twice marginal and twice invisible” (Jacqueline Murray in Bullough and Brundage, p.191). When it came to a consideration of women’s sexuality, medieval culture was as misogynistic as Roman society.
Men’s behaviour seemed to have mattered more since, as Augustine noted: “The body of a man is superior to that of a woman as the soul is to the body.” (Saslow, p.60). Saint Paul spoke of the “vile affections” among women before those of men. Saint Augustine condemned “the things which shameless women do even to other women,” specifically pointing an accusatory finger at “maidens, nuns, wives, and widows” (Saslow, p.60). As with male homosexuality, female homosexuality was, when discussed at all, denounced by clerics and theologians. As time passed, however, later clerics paid even less attention to female homosexuality than did their predecessors.
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