is balanced by a proper emphasis on fellowship. Our central task is to formulate varying policies which will allow the poorest the opportunites to develop their talents which are equal to those of the richest. Our central difficulty will be in rewarding adequately those with the greatest talents while cherishing those whose talents are less prized by the market.
In the early 1980s Labour promised to bring about an irreversible shift of wealth and power to ordinary people. That objective must first be enshrined in the Party’s new constitution if voters are to elect a Labour government. The constitution, through the one person–one vote principle, must ensure, above all, that the ordinary Party members hold the decisive say in what the Party stands for and how it should go about achieving its objectives.
Conclusion
Despite the Government’s chronic unpopularity, Labour looks as though it may have been beached by the electorate. But the beaching is not of a kind which makes it obvious that the Party can never win again. Between elections the tide comes in and laps around the stranded ship. But that tide never comes in far enough to lift the Party free and sweep it out to an election victory. Similarly, because the crew can see the tide lapping around the boat it remains loyal in the hope that, this time, the tide of disgust against the Government will somehow lift their boat free. By remaining at their post the crew are not engaged in building an alternative, more streamlined craft which could sail the electoral tides.
Part of the crew’s time must be spent in showing the electorate that the boat is once again seaworthy. Two reforms above all else are necessary to achieve this objective. First, the Party must pledge itself to reforming the electoral system. This would require a public declaration to the effect that the Party may never be presented with power on its own again, other than to deliver a change in the voting system. To continue the metaphor, Labour will need the help of another craft if it is to be pulled free of the electoral mudbank on which it has been stranded since 1979. Accompanying this pledge on voting reform, the Party must draw up a new constitution enshrining the one person–one vote principle. It must also have a clear statement of objectives which, as Jack Straw has wryly noted, can be proudly shown to voters rather than shamefacedly hidden from view.
Reclaiming Labour’s Natural Constituency
The politics of the Thatcher governments are commented upon in a manner which suggests that they have made Labour irrelevant to a permanent majority of the electorate. This chapter examines why and how this has happened. It looks at the fiscal redistribution brought about by Mrs Thatcher which itself explains why a growing proportion of the population are living on low incomes. The extent of this success now offers radicals their opportunity to win. While significant in number, the poor are still very clearly a minority. The Thatcher governments persuaded many commentators (some didn’t need persuading) that the poor were a forgotten cause: ‘There are no votes there.’ If a more careful analysis of the distribution of income in the post-Thatcher age were to be carried out, a potentially larger grouping of voters would be found who could be mobilized by policies based on Labour’s traditional values. Such policies must be presented in a manner which appeals to the aspirations of these voters.
Tax Cuts Galore
Two trends in taxes have been evident since 1979, as the table opposite illustrates. Reduction in taxation is calculated by assuming that the 1978–79 tax regime has continued unmodified. From the level of taxation that this would have produced is deducted the current tax yields. The result shows the level of taxation has been cut in this current year by a simply astonishing total of £31.4 billion. We know that the rich gained most from these tax cuts, but the extent of their gains will surprise many.
Average reduction in income tax per individual in 1992–93 compared with the 1978–79 indexed regime
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