manner in which Johnson compiled his Dictionary is confused and erroneous. He began his task (as he himself expressly described to me), by devoting his first care to a diligent perusal of all such English writers as were most correct in their language, and under every sentence which he meant to quote he drew a line, and noted in the margin the first letter of the word under which it was to occur. He then delivered these books to his clerks, who transcribed each sentence on a separate slip of paper, and arranged the same under the word referred to. By these means he collected the several words and their different significations; and when the whole arrangement was alphabetically formed, he gave the definitions of their meanings, and collected their etymologies from Skinner, Junius, and other writers on the subject. PERCY.
[554] ‘The books he used for this purpose were what he had in his own collection, a copious but a miserably ragged one, and all such as he could borrow; which latter, if ever they came back to those that lent them, were so defaced as to be scarce worth owning, and yet some of his friends were glad to receive and entertain them as curiosities.’ Hawkins, p. 175.
[555] In the copy that he thus marked of Sir Matthew Hale’s Primitive Origination of Mankind, opposite the passage where it is stated, that ‘Averroes says that if the world were not eternal … it could never have been at all, because an eternal duration must necessarily have anteceded the first production of the world,’ he has written:—‘This argument will hold good equally against the writing that I now write.’
[556] Boswell must mean ‘whose writings taken as a whole had a tendency,’ &c. Johnson quotes Dryden, and of Dryden he says:—‘Of the mind that can trade in corruption, and can deliberately pollute itself with ideal wickedness for the sake of spreading the contagion in society, I wish not to conceal or excuse the depravity. Such degradation of the dignity of genius, such abuse of superlative abilities, cannot be contemplated but with grief and indignation. What consolation can be had Dryden has afforded by living to repent, and to testify his repentance.’ Johnson’s Works, vii. 293. He quotes Congreve, and of Congreve he says: ‘It is acknowledged, with universal conviction, that the perusal of his works will make no man better; and that their ultimate effect is to represent pleasure in alliance with vice, and to relax those obligations by which life ought to be regulated.’ Ib. viii. 28. He would not quote Dr. Clarke, much as he admired him, because he was not sound upon the doctrine of the Trinity. Post, Dec., 1784, note.
[557] In the Plan to the Dictionary, written in 1747, he describes his task as one that ‘may be successfully performed without any higher quality than that of bearing burdens with dull patience, and beating the track of the alphabet with sluggish resolution.’ Works, v. 1. In 1751, in the Rambler, No. 141, he thus pleasantly touches on his work: ‘The task of every other slave [except the ‘wit’] has an end. The rower in time reaches the port; the lexicographer at last finds the conclusion of his alphabet.’ On April 15, 1755, he writes to his friend Hector:—‘I wish, come of wishes what will, that my work may please you, as much as it now and then pleased me, for I did not find dictionary making so very unpleasant as it may be thought.’ Notes and Queries, 6th S. 111, 301. He told Dr. Blacklock that ‘it was easier to him to write poetry than to compose his Dictionary. His mind was less on the stretch in doing the one than the other.’ Boswell’s Hebrides, Aug. 17, 1773.
[558] The well-known picture of the company at Tunbridge Wells in Aug. 1748, with the references in Richardson’s own writing, is given as a frontispiece to vol. iii. of Richardson’s Correspondence. There can be no doubt that the figure marked by Richardson as Dr. Johnson is not Samuel Johnson, who did not receive a doctor’s degree till more than four years after Richardson’s death.
[559] ‘Johnson hardly ever spoke of Bathurst without tears in his eyes.’ Murphy’s Johnson, p. 56. Mrs. Piozzi, after recording an anecdote that he had related to her of his childhood, continues:—‘“I cannot imagine,” said he, “what makes me talk of myself to you so, for I really never mentioned this foolish story to anybody except Dr. Taylor, not even to my dear, dear Bathurst, whom I loved better than ever I loved any human creature; but poor Bathurst is dead!” Here a long pause and a few tears ensued.’ Piozzi’s Anec., p. 18. Another day he said to her:—‘Dear Bathurst was a man to my very heart’s content: he hated a fool, and he hated a rogue, and he hated a Whig; he was a very good hater.’ Ib. p. 83. In his Meditations on Easter-Day, 1764, he records:—‘After sermon I recommended Tetty in a prayer by herself; and my father, mother, brother, and Bathurst in another.’ Pr. and Med., p. 54. See also post, under March 18, 1752, and 1780 in Mr. Langton’s Collection.
[560] Of Hawkesworth Johnson thus wrote: ‘An account of Dr. Swift has been already collected, with great diligence and acuteness, by Dr. Hawkesworth, according to a scheme which I laid before him in the intimacy of our friendship. I cannot therefore be expected to say much of a life concerning which I had long since communicated my thoughts to a man capable of dignifying his narrations with so much elegance of language and force of sentiment.’ Johnson’s Works, viii. 192. Hawkesworth was an imitator of Johnson’s style; post, under Jan. 1, 1753.
[561] He was afterwards for several years Chairman of the Middlesex justices, and upon occasion of presenting an address to the King, accepted the usual offer of Knighthood. He is authour of ‘A History of Musick,’ in five volumes in quarto. By assiduous attendance upon Johnson in his last illness, he obtained the office of one of his executors; in consequence of which, the booksellers of London employed him to publish an edition of Dr. Johnson’s works, and to write his Life. BOSWELL. This description of Hawkins, as ‘Mr. John Hawkins, an attorney,’ is a reply to his description of Boswell as ‘Mr. James Boswell, a native of Scotland.’ Hawkins’s Johnson, p. 472. According to Miss Hawkins, ‘Boswell complained to her father of the manner in which he was described. Where was the offence? It was one of those which a complainant hardly dares to embody in words; he would only repeat, “Well, but Mr. James Boswell, surely, surely, Mr. James Boswell”’ Miss Hawkins’s Memoirs, i. 235. Boswell in thus styling Hawkins remembered no doubt Johnson’s sarcasm against attorneys. See post, 1770, in Dr. Maxwell’s Collectanea. Hawkins’s edition of Johnson’s Works was published in 1787-9, in 13 vols., 8vo., the last two vols. being edited by Stockdale. In vol. xi. is a collection of Johnson’s sayings, under the name of Apothegms, many of which I quote in my notes.
[562] Boswell, it is clear, has taken his account of the club from Hawkins, who writes:—‘Johnson had, in the winter of 1749, formed a club that met weekly at the King’s Head, a famous beef-steak house in Ivy Lane, near St. Paul’s, every Tuesday evening. Thither he constantly resorted with a disposition to please and be pleased. Our conversations seldom began till after a supper so very solid and substantial as led us to think that with him it was a dinner.
‘By the help of this refection, and no other incentive to hilarity than lemonade, Johnson was in a short time after our assembling transformed into a new creature; his habitual melancholy and lassitude of spirit gave way; his countenance brightened.’ Hawkins’s Johnson, pp. 219, 250. Other parts of Hawkins’s account do not agree with passages in Johnson’s letters to Mrs. Thrale written in 1783-4. ‘I dined about a fortnight ago with three old friends [Hawkins, Ryland, and Payne]; we had not met together for thirty years. In the thirty years two of our set have died.’ Piozzi Letters, ii. 339. ‘We used to meet weekly about the year fifty.’ Ib. p. 361. ‘The people whom I mentioned in my letter are the remnant of a little club that used to meet in Ivy Lane about three and thirty years ago, out of which we have lost Hawkesworth and Dyer, the rest are yet on this side the grave.’ Ib. p. 363. Hawkins says the club broke up about 1756 (Life, p. 361). Johnson in the first of the passages says they had not met at all for thirty years—that is to say, not since 1753; while in the last two passages he implies that their weekly meetings came to an end about 1751. I cannot understand moreover how, if Bathurst, ‘his beloved friend,’ belonged to the club, Johnson should have forgotten it. Bathurst died in the expedition to the Havannah about 1762. Two others of those given in Hawkins’s list were certainly dead by 1783. M’Ghie, who died while the club existed (Ib. p. 361), and Dr. Salter. A writer in the