Lightening of Citizenship (51 European Journal of Sociology 9, 2010)
4PL Berger and T Luckmann, The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge (Ancor, 1967)
5P Allott, Eunomia (Oxford, OUP 1990)
6AD Smith, The Ethnic Origin of Nations (Oxford, Blackwell 147, 1986)
7“In a mythical system causality is artificial, false; but it creeps, so to speak through the back door of Nature”, R. Barthes, Mythologies (131, translated by A. Lavers, New York, Farrar, Strauss & Giroux 1972)
8D Miller, The Ethical Significance of Nationality (98 Ethics 657, 654,1988)
9“Historical forgetfulness and wrongs”, E Renan, Qu’est-ce qu’une nation? et autres essais politiques (41, first published 1882, Paris, Agora 1992)
10“To die for the motherland”, see on the patriotic sacrifice e.g. M Walzer, Civility and Civic Virtue in Contemporary America (41 Sociological Research 4, 1974)
11Miller, op cit., 648; C Chwaszcza, The Unity of People, and Immigration in Liberal Theory (13 Citizenship Studies 451, 2009)
12JM Balkin, The Proliferation of Legal Truth (26 Harvard Journal of Law and Public Policy 5, 2003)
13E Isin, Citizenship in Flux: The Figure of the Activist Citizen (29 Subjectivity 367, 2009); E Isin and G Nielsen (eds), Acts of Citizenship, (New York, ZED books 2008)
14G Debord, La société de spectacle (Paris, Gallimard 1996)
15JH Carens, Aliens and Citizens: The Case for Open Borders (49 Review of Politics 250, 251, 1987)
16MJ Gibney, The Rights of Non-citizens to Membership in C Sawyer and BK Blitz (eds), Statelessness in the European Union (Cambridge, CUP 41, 2011)
17Bosniak, Persons and Citizens in Constitutional Thought (8 International Journal of Constitutional Law 9, 2010)
18Kochenov, EU Citizenship without Duties (20 European Law Journal 482, 2014)
19Joppke, op cit.
20IMD World Competitiveness Yearbook 2015, IMD World Competitiveness Center, Lausanne
Expert Commentary
The Growing Market for Citizenship and Residence: A Policy Perspective
The Importance of Due Diligence in the Context of Investment Migration Programs
The Resurgence of Global Residential Markets
Addressing the Risks of Tier 1 (Investor) Visas in the UK
A Passport of Convenience: Citizenship-by-Investment is a Win-Win for Some Small States
The Growing Market for Citizenship and Residence: A Policy Perspective
Madeleine Sumption
Migration Observatory
University of Oxford
Oxford/UK
A growing number of countries now offer immigrant investor programs, exchanging residence rights or citizenship for a sizeable investment in their economies. From ‘cash-for-citizenship’ to incentives to invest in private sector businesses or property, the market for investor immigration has become increasingly diverse.
But how much value are governments getting from the programs? In theory, the benefits of investor programs for the countries that offer them are straightforward. Destination governments can use them to generate revenues for social programs, infrastructure, or paying down the deficit. They can also use them to attract job-creating investments in the private sector. For small countries, the proceeds from investor programs can be considerable.
In practice, policymakers have often found the results disappointing. While small countries with large investor programs can raise substantial funds, investors’ activities in larger countries that have also embraced the programs — like the US or the UK — are a drop in the ocean compared to the size of their economies.
Designing programs to maximize economic benefits can be a challenge, and rigorous empirical evidence on their impacts is usually absent. The UK gives residence rights to investors who purchase ordinary, interest-bearing government bonds — a transaction whose benefits to the UK economy are close to zero. Several European countries, like Latvia, Portugal, and Spain simply require investors to buy residential property. The impacts of these transactions are also likely to be quite limited (barring some concentrated benefits for realtors and agents). Programs that require private-sector business investments, like the US EB-5 visa, are somewhat more promising. But even this model’s impacts are hard to assess. Policies have only limited influence over how money is invested and whether investments actually create the expected number of jobs — especially since applicants can withdraw their investments as soon as they qualify for permanent residence or citizenship.
The clearest economic benefits come from programs that encourage cash payments to the government or national development funds. While there is no guarantee that governments will spend this money wisely, this model has two advantages over the alternative options. Governments know exactly where the money is going and what is being done with it, and non-refundable donations cannot be withdrawn a few years later. However, the simple transparency of this model makes it controversial and unpopular, accentuating public concerns about whether it is appropriate to ‘sell citizenship’.
Not all investor programs can accurately be described as ‘immigration’. Some impose no requirement to spend any time in the country, while others require only minimal visits of a few days per year. Such programs are often marketed for the access they provide to visa-free travel in other countries. Notable examples include the citizenship-by-investment programs in St. Kitts and Nevis and a handful of other Caribbean countries, which have relatively good access to visa-free tourist and business travel worldwide. Most would struggle to attract applicants if they actually required investors to live