of Western Absolutism. Spain, the earliest great power of modern Europe, provides a logical starting-point.
For the rise of Habsburg Spain was not merely one episode within a set of concurrent and equivalent experiences of State-construction in Western Europe: it was also an auxiliary determinant of the whole set as such. It thus occupies a qualitatively distinct position in the general process of Absolutization. For the reach and impact of Spanish Absolutism was in a strict sense ‘inordinate’, among the other Western monarchies of the age. Its international pressure acted as a special over-determination of the national patterns elsewhere in the continent, because of the disproportionate wealth and power at its command: the historical concentration of these assets in the Spanish State could not but affect the overall shape and direction of the emergent State-system of the West. The Spanish monarchy owed its preeminence to a combination of two complexes of resources – themselves sudden projections of common constituents of ascendant Absolutism to an exceptional magnitude. On the one hand, its ruling house benefited more than any other line in Europe from the compacts of dynastic marriage-policy. The Habsburg family connection yielded the Spanish State a scale of territory and influence in Europe, which no rival monarchy could match: a supreme artefact of feudal mechanisms of political expansion.
On the other hand, the colonial conquest of the New World supplied it with a superabundance of precious metals, which gave it a treasury beyond the range of any of its counterparts. Conducted and organized within still notably seigneurial structures, the plunder of the Americas was nevertheless at the same time the most spectacular single act in the primitive accumulation of European capital during the Renaissance. Spanish Absolutism thus drew strength both from the inheritances of feudal aggrandizement at home and the booty of extractive capital overseas. There was never, of course, any question as to the social and economic interests to which the political apparatus of the Spanish monarchy principally and permanently answered. No other major Absolutist State in Western Europe was to be so finally noble in character, or so inimical to bourgeois development. The very fortune of its early control of the mines of America, with their primitive but lucrative economy of extraction, disinclined it to promote the growth of manufactures or foster the spread of mercantile enterprise within its European empire. Instead, it bore down with a massive weight on the most active commercial communities of the continent, even while threatening every other landed aristocracy in a cycle of inter-aristocratic wars that lasted for a hundred and fifty years. Spanish power stifled the urban vitality of North Italy, and crushed the flourishing towns of half the Low Countries – the two most advanced zones of the European economy at the turn of the 16th century. Holland eventually escaped its control, in a long struggle for bourgeois independence. In the same period, the royal states of Southern Italy and Portugal were absorbed by Spain. The monarchies of France and England were battered by Hispanic attacks. The principalities of Germany were repeatedly invaded by tercios from Castile. While Spanish fleets rode the Atlantic or patrolled the Mediterranean, Spanish armies ranged across most of Western Europe: from Antwerp to Palermo, and Regensburg to Kinsale. The menace of Habsburg dominance, however, in the end quickened the reactions and fortified the defenses of the dynasties arrayed against it. Spanish priority gave the Habsburg monarchy a system-setting role for Western Absolutism as a whole. Yet it also, as we shall see, critically limited the nature of Spanish Absolutism itself within the system it helped to originate.
Spanish Absolutism was born from the Union of Castile and Aragón, effected by the marriage of Isabella I and Ferdinand II in 1469. It started with an apparently firm economic basis. During the labour shortages produced by the general crisis of Western feudalism, increasing areas of Castile were converted to a lucrative wool economy, which had made it the ‘Australia of the Middle Ages’,1 and a major partner of Flemish trade; while Aragón had long been a territorial and commercial power in the Mediterranean, controlling Sicily and Sardinia. The political and military dynamism of the new dual state was soon dramatically revealed in a series of sweeping external conquests. The last Moorish stronghold of Granada was destroyed and the Reconquista completed; Naples was annexed; Navarre was absorbed; and above all, the Americas were discovered and subjugated. The Habsburg connection soon added Milan, the Franche-Comté and the Netherlands. This sudden avalanche of successes made Spain the premier power in Europe for the whole of the 16th century, enjoying an international position which no other continental Absolutism was ever later able to emulate. Yet the State which presided over this vast Empire was itself a ramshackle assemblage, ultimately united only by the person of the monarch. Spanish Absolutism, so awesome to Northern Protestantism abroad, was in fact notably modest and limited in its domestic development. Its internal articulations were perhaps uniquely loose and heteroclite. The reasons for this paradox are doubtless to be sought essentially in the curious triangular relationship between the American Empire, the European Empire and the Iberian homelands.
The composite realms of Castile and Aragón united by Ferdinand and Isabella presented an extremely diverse basis for the construction of the new Spanish monarchy in the late 15th century. Castile was a land with an aristocracy of enormous estates and powerful military orders; it also had a considerable number of towns, although, significantly, not yet a fixed capital. The Castilian nobility had seized vast quantities of agrarian property from the monarchy during the civil wars of the later Middle Ages; 2–3 per cent of the population now controlled some 97 per cent of the soil. More than half of this, in turn, was owned by a few magnate families who towered over the numerous hidalgo gentry.2 Cereal agriculture was steadily yielding to sheep-farming on these great estates. The wool boom which provided the basis for the fortunes of so many aristocratic houses had, at the same time, stimulated urban growth and foreign trade. Castilian towns and Cantabrian shipping benefited from the prosperity of the pastoral economy of late mediaeval Spain, which was linked by a complex commercial system to the textile industry of Flanders. The economic and demographic profile of Castile within the Union was thus from the outset an advantageous one: with a population calculated at between 5 and 7 million, and a buoyant overseas trade with Northern Europe, it was easily the dominant state in the peninsula. Politically, its constitution was curiously unsettled. Castile-Leon had been one of the first mediaeval kingdoms in Europe to develop an Estates system in the 13th century; while by the mid 15th century, the factual ascendancy of the nobility over the monarchy had for a time become far-reaching. But the grasping power of the late mediaeval aristocracy had not set in any juridical mould. The Cortes, in fact, remained an occasional and indefinite assembly: perhaps because of the migrant character of the Castilian kingdom as it shifted southwards and shuffled its social pattern in doing so, there had never developed a firm and fixed institutionalization of the Estates system. Thus both the convocation and composition of the Cortés was subject to the arbitrary decision of the monarchy, with the result that sessions were spasmodic, and no regular three-curia system emerged from them. On the one hand, the Cortes had no initiatory legislative powers; on the other, the nobility and clergy enjoyed fiscal immunity. The result was an Estates system in which only the towns had to pay the taxes voted by the Cortes, which otherwise fell virtually exclusively on the masses beneath it. The aristocracy thus had no direct economic stake in its representation within the Castilian Estates, which formed a comparatively weak and isolated institution. Aristocratic corporatism found separate expression in the rich and formidable military orders – Calatrava, Alcantara and Santiago – which had been created by the Crusades: but these by nature lacked the collective authority of a noble Estate proper.
The economic and political character of the Realm of Aragon3 was in sharp contrast to this. The high interior of Aragon itself harboured the most repressive seigneurial system in the Iberian peninsula; the local aristocracy was vested with a full range of feudal powers in the barren countryside, where serfdom still survived and a captive morisco peasantry toiled for its Christian landlords. Catalonia, on the other hand, had traditionally been the centre of a mercantile empire in the Mediterranean: Barcelona was the largest city in mediaeval Spain, and its urban patriciate the richest commercial class of the region. Catalan prosperity, however, had suffered grievously during the long feudal depression. The epidemics of the 14th century had struck the principality with especial violence, returning again and again after the Black Death itself to ravage the population, which fell by over a third between 1365 and 1497.4 Commercial bankruptcies had been compounded by aggressive Genoese competition in the Mediterranean, while smaller merchants and artisan guilds revolted