the relationship between its humanitarian goals and the different configurations of resource allocations and distributions with a view to demonstrating the configuration which is most conducive to goal realization. This would contribute, after being tested against empirical evidence, to the development of theory, particularly microeconomic theory, and in turn help evolve an effective strategy for the necessary socio-economic change to solve the problems faced by human society.
BREAKDOWN OF FAMILY AND SOCIAL SOLIDARITY
While excessive emphasis on the serving of self-interest did lead to the accelerated growth of Western economies, it did not help realize the social vision of actualizing all the normative goals. It also yielded a sour fruit in the form of what Fukuyama calls “the great disruption” in his recent book, The End of Order (1997). This refers to the breakdown of the family. While social interest was safeguarded in the economy to some extent by competition as well as the welfare state, there was nothing to safeguard the integrity of the family when the serving of self-interest became the dominant social philosophy. Family is an institution which works more effectively when all members are loyal to each other and willing to sacrifice their self-interest for the sake of others. The upbringing of children, in particular, requires a great deal of sacrifice on the part of parents. This sacrifice may be a loss in hedonist terms, but in reality it serves the self-interest of all by promoting greater love and affection, cooperation, harmony, and mental peace.
The market mentality of serving self-interest has, however, been injected into the family as well, and the result is that parents are not able to get along with each other. If the cement of mutual sacrifice and loving care is not there, why should they stay together or be loyal to each other. There is a rise in sexual promiscuity, divorce and single-parent families, leading to the emotional, spiritual and material suffering of children. Moreover, even while parents are together, the children may not get the kind of care that they need if the parents are not willing to sacrifice some of their pleasures and material interests for the sake of their children’s proper upbringing.
If the future generation does not get the kind of care and upbringing that an achieving civilization requires, there is bound to be a decline in the quality of human beings and a breakdown in social control. Juvenile delinquency and anomie may all rise. This may become further exacerbated when a significant proportion of the population is caught in a vicious circle of poverty, live in the decayed hearts of major cities, and become prisoners of ghetto pathology, with teenage pregnancy, fatherless households, chronic unemployment, crime and drug use. It may not be possible to solve these problems by making cosmetic changes here and there. It may be necessary to create a caring society – a society where there is justice and brotherhood, and where everyone is willing to make sacrifices for the well-being of others. Is it possible to do this without strengthening the family, the institution that is responsible for the upbringing of children who will become the human input of the market, the society and the state in the future, and thereby constitute the foundation of civilization? Can a civilization prevent its decline once the quality of human beings degenerates, crime and anomie increase, and social solidarity weakens? What this clearly brings into focus is the dire need to create a balance between the material and spiritual pursuits of life by reducing the emphasis on serving self-interest and maximizing wealth and consumption. Schweitzer is absolutely right when he emphasizes that: “If the ethical foundation is lacking, then civilization collapses even when in other directions creative and other intellectual forces of the strongest nature are at work.”49
When welfare economics was first developed in the 1930s, its very name initially kindled hope.50 Prefixing the word ‘welfare’ before economics gave the impression that economics may now explicitly become normative in nature, indicate the kind of well-being that was desired, and recommend policies for actualizing that kind of well-being. However, this hope has proved to be misplaced. Welfare economics could not get rid of the secular trappings of conventional economics. Welfare became defined in terms of the individual’s self-interested preferences with hardly any room for altruism51 or direct interest in the well-being of all. It chose to be as wertfreiheit or free of value judgements as its ‘positive’ counterpart. Consequently, it has become Paretian in outlook and a number of positive economic concepts appear in subtly different guises in both positive and welfare economics.52
A number of economists53 have, therefore, attacked the wertfreiheit approach of welfare economics. Blaug has rightly pointed out that “to speak of positive welfare economics is to revel in paradoxical language”.54 Myrdal, who made the concept of value-impregnated Social Science one of the major themes of his lifetime’s work, asserted that the economist should make value judgements but should declare them boldly at the outset of the analysis: “There is nothing wrong, per se, with value-loaded concepts if they are clearly defined in terms of explicitly stated value premises.”55
What is needed is a welfare economics that defines human well-being not in the value neutral Pareto optimal sense but rather in a way that is consistent with humanitarian goals and which also shows how such well-being can be realized within the constraint of scarce resources, without creating macroeconomic and ecological imbalances. It may not be able to accomplish this task if it insists on maintaining its anathema to value judgements and the positive role of government even when both of these are found to be indispensable complements to the efficient and equitable operation of the market system. It may also have to relax its insistence on taking into account only economic variables even though non-economic and historical variables may be of equal importance.
If economics is unable to gear itself to the task of contributing to the realization of humanitarian goals, it faces the danger of becoming marginalized and atrophied. This danger has been perceived by economists during the entire history of conventional economics and articulated by people like Sismondi (1773–1842), Carlyle (1795–1881), Ruskin (1819–1900), Hobson (1858–1940), Tawney (1880–1962), Schumacher (1891–1971), and Boulding (1910–93). They and many other past and present economists have questioned, and are increasingly questioning the accepted wisdom of neoclassical economics.56 They are stepping out of the ivory tower of their science to explore the territory that lies beyond.
Some economists have even emphasized the need for a new paradigm.57 This is a reflection of the growing realization that reason has its own limitations and the high place given to it by the Enlightenment movement needs to be brought down to a more realistic level, and that positivism and empiricism are not capable of creating any kind of normative knowledge.58 Warnock has, thus, rightly observed that, “to dissent from rationalism as a philosophical doctrine is certainly not to disparage reason; the man who values, and shows that he values reason is not he who merely pitches reason’s claims exceptionally high but, rather, he who attempts, by painstaking reasoning, to determine how high those claims may justifiably be pitched.”59 However, the form that the new paradigm might take is as yet incompletely articulated.60 The new paradigm may, most probably, be less hostile towards religion than was the Enlightenment movement. The editors of Religion in Contemporary Europe admit that they are seeing the beginning of the end of 200 years of hostility towards religion.61
It is also being increasingly recognized that self-interest and competition do not necessarily constitute the main driving forces behind human action. The role of altruism, cooperation, moral values, and a host of social, economic and political institutions in moulding preferences and guiding action in human society are also being emphasized. Need-fulfilment and socio-economic justice are likewise receiving due recognition. The development of different schools which challenge the worldview and method of conventional economics has created a silver lining in its clouds. All these schools are, however, closely related, the difference between them being primarily in their degree of emphasis.