with an almost royalist affirmation of presidential authority: “Well now you’re going to hear the facts from a White House source, and you know my name.”1
This was not the first time that Reagan had worried about the maritime trades. As he launched his political career in the 1960s, Reagan recalled his experience as a conservative trade unionist in Hollywood in the late 1940s, and claimed that the secret Communist labor stategy at the time had been to bring the Hollywood unions under the control of the West Coast longshoremen. The longshoremen were led by Australian-born Harry Bridges, who, in Reagan’s words, had been “often accused but never convicted of Communist membership.” The future president concluded with a sly aside: “The only item which was unclear to me–then and now–was how longshoremen could make movies.”2
We know now that actors can make politics. The next question to be asked is this: How do governments–and the actors who speak for governments–move cargo? How do they do it without stories being told by those who do the work? Could the desire for the fully automated movement of goods also be a desire for silence, for the tyranny of a single anecdote?
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19Welder working on a fast combat support ship for the U.S. Navy. National Steel and Shipbuilding Company. San Diego, California. August 1990.
20U.S. Army VIIth Corps en route from Stuttgart to the Persian Gulf. Prins Johan Frisohaven. Rotterdam, the Netherlands. December 1990.
21Foundry in the former Lenin Shipyard. Gdańsk, Poland. November 1990.
22Welders working in a privatized section of the former Lenin Shipyard. Gdańsk, Poland. November 1990.
23Palace of Culture and Science. Warsaw, Poland. November 1990.
24Unemployment office. Gdańsk, Poland. November 1990.
25Lottery determining equitable distribution of work.
“La Coordinadora” dockers’ union dispatch hall. Barcelona, Spain. November 1990.
26Man salvaging bricks from a demolished waterfront warehouse.
Rijnhaven. Rotterdam, the Netherlands. September 1992.
DISMAL SCIENCE: PART 1
RED PASSENGER
When Friedrich Engels set out in 1844 to describe in detail the living and working conditions of the English working class, he began oddly enough by standing on the deck of a ship:
I know of nothing more imposing than the view one obtains of the river when sailing from the sea up to London Bridge. Especially above Woolwich the houses and docks are packed tightly together on both banks of the river. The further one goes up the river the thicker becomes the concentration of ships lying at anchor, so that eventually only a narrow shipping lane is left free in mid-stream. Here hundreds of steamships dart rapidly to and fro. All this is so magnificent and impressive that one is lost in admiration. The traveler has good reason to marvel at England’s greatness even before he steps on English soil. It is only later that the traveler appreciates the human suffering that has made all this possible.1
For Engels, the increasing congestion of the Thames anticipated a narrative movement into the narrow alleys of the London slums. Very quickly, the maritime view–panoramic, expansive, and optimistic–led to an urban scene reduced to a claustrophobic Hobbesian war of all against all:
The more that Londoners are packed into a tiny space, the more repulsive and disgraceful becomes the brutal indifference with which they ignore their neighbors and selfishly concentrate upon their private affairs.… Here indeed human society has been split into its component atoms.2
Engels’ descriptive movement from the open space of the river to the closed spaces of the city’s main streets and slums also anticipated an incipient theoretical insight of historical materialism: the discovery of the unequal development of the technical means and the social relations of production. The river port, like Thomas Hobbes’ Leviathan, is a huge figure of contained and purposeful energy, contrasting with the aggressive and brutish frictions of the city itself. The city, at this juncture, is more primitive than the river.
If the river and the city did not entirely exist in the same present, it is also the case that the river belonged to an earlier epoch. Thus the geographical passage from river to city was on a more subtle level a historical shift from one motive force to another: the river was still ruled by the wind while the city ran on coal. Looking back, in a footnote added to the 1892 German reissue of his book, Engels felt the need to qualify that moment on deck:
This was so nearly fifty years ago, in the days of picturesque sailing vessels. In so far as such ships still ply to and from London, they are now to be found only in the docks, while the river itself is covered with ugly, sooty steamers.3
By the end of the century, Engels knew that his earlier rhetorical strategy had rested on an aesthetic and spatial contrast that had lost its validity, a contrast between the “picturesque” (malerische) port and the “ugly” city. Like Joseph Conrad, who described a steam tug as “an enormous and aquatic black beetle” leaving an “unclean mark” on the waves, Engels now found nothing to celebrate in the maritime use of steam. The city, and the factory system behind the city, had devoured any difference–or beauty–the river had to offer. But this obliteration of the river’s “difference” is already prefigured in the earlier text: as the river narrows it becomes less like a port and more like a city street.4
The “magnificent” (grossartig) scene on the Thames leads on to the dismal alleys of Manchester. At the outset, industrial capitalism is prefigured through its older mercantile counterpart, culminating in the image of the small steamships, that “dart rapidly to and fro,” sharing their motive force with the modern factory. From this point on the text is permeated with the metaphor of steam: society is a contained and superheated gas under increasing pressure. The working-class slum is the ultimate locus of this looming explosion, of atomized forces that threaten to build and rupture the cast-iron walls of the urban factory-boiler. Engels was to push his Hobbesian prophecy to its grim limit in the concluding chapter of his book: “The war of the poor against the rich will be the most bloodthirsty the world has ever seen.”5
Engels’ narrative begins at sea, in maritime space, a space defined in many of its distinctive features by an earlier preindustrial capitalism, a capitalism based on primitive accumulation and trade. When it was initially seized by the imaginary and made pictorial as a coherent and integrated space rather than as a loose emblematic array of boats and fish and waves, maritime space became panoramic. Its visual depiction even today conforms to models established by Dutch marine painting of the seventeenth century. It is in these works that the relationship of ships to cities is first systematically depicted. Obviously, the various historical modes of