of their window that discloses their membership in the scheme. In the case of the Bristol Pound, this signposting was done for the first time with a Google Map that marks all the shops in Bristol that adhere to the scheme. This outward display, coupled with recruitment policies that try to involve only local businesses,36 effectively demarcates an ‘ethical trading space’. Engaging in that trading space can be the source of puzzlements (e.g. in terms of the food stores that do not feature in it, such as fast food chains and supermarkets) through which to nurture a critical consciousness – say about food production, seasonality and localisation – and a determination to address such concerns by exploring further ways to practice Transition.
In this sense, local and complementary currencies (apart from their theoretical presentation as tools to promote economic relocalisation, which may or may not be borne out in practice, given the relatively limited turnover of existing schemes) are very interesting tools for nurturing a Transition culture of consumption. By the denomination as ‘pounds’ and the ‘look and feel’ that makes them more like notes than like vouchers,37 local notes attempt to catch the attention of people who are engaged in the minimal capacity of users of money. The curiosity that this sparks, about the possibility that a local currency may even exist, is one of the factors that are orchestrated to encourage people to experiment. This is evident in the attitude that Totnes Pound organisers adopted to persuade some shops: asking them ‘Why not?’, given the complete parity with the pound sterling and the full backing. Green Books, the publisher of the Transition manuals, even used to include a Totnes Pound note in copies of the books they sent out for review. This was, once more, an interesting approach to using the pounds, which shows an implicit understanding of their importance as tools that can introduce a productive element of puzzlement in taken-for-granted routines.38
Upon accepting the initial invitation to use a local currency, the possibility exists that individuals become progressively more entangled across the spectrum of Transition activities. By beginning to navigate an ethical trading space, consumers are stealthily encouraged to experiment with new consumption choices and, through these, to begin developing new attachments. So, for instance, while the Bristol Pound has made an exception to its local sourcing policy for public transport, there are no gas stations that participate in the scheme (thereby encouraging a change in transport choices from private to public transport, which can spark an alternative experience of place and provide greater curiosity towards projects that are coherent with that experience). Similarly, in Totnes, there was a general agreement that the Happy Apple, an independent supermarket stocking local produce, would be a very welcome addition to the Totnes Pound network, whereas the local Morrison’s supermarket shouldn’t be allowed to join. Indeed, even if a currency does not enjoy much circulation, but purely through the act of ensuring that the exchange circuit where it is allowed is signposted and clear, certain consumption choices can be encouraged, while others discouraged and, in turn, new puzzlements and disquiets find their way in people’s lives, demanding a response that can spark a search and further engagement with the Transition milieu.
Therefore, local currencies are a way to tap into a realm of experience (the use of money) that is not self-evidently related to the issues that prompted the initiation of Transition’s moving like peak oil and climate change. At the same time, the local currency scheme avoids foregrounding the elements of disagreement, but meets users of money where they are, acting as a silent facilitator to a process of exploration that may lead to a reconsideration of ‘taken for granted’ routines, and even spark further engagement in Transition activities – beyond just shopping locally. In fact, as people are set on a path of critical reassessment of their consumption choices, it is difficult to know how far the experimentation and the readjustment of their material attachments and discursive self-understandings may take them.
These considerations are relevant to understand the fittingness of initiatives like the Pound or the REconomy project (ch. 6) in the moving of Transition as a whole. To the question that some scholars asked, whether ‘a movement that wants to aim for broad participation [ought to be] open to those that do not necessarily agree with everything associated with it’,39 it becomes easier to understand why Hopkins would express the view that the answer is ‘yes’.40 As a strategy for change, this involves the creation of spaces to meet people where they are, and ‘activate’ them to the possibility of developing new attachments that may shift the very position from which they develop their opinions, eliciting greater openness to the rest that Transition culture holds.
At the same time, a moving that spirals out to embrace and enable more experiences is constantly faced with the problem of fitting everything together,41 trying to ensure that any new opening relates to what’s there already, so as to prevent fragmentation that might break the movement’s wholeness, through irreversible forks in the path from which the relatedness-in-difference would become exceedingly difficult to perceive, and lead to the shedding of some part. This is how it is possible to understand Longhurst’s doubt as to whether a Totnes Pound that is understood purely as a loyalty scheme might not be reaching too far, without being sufficiently woven into and imbued by the other strands of Transition culture.42 On the other hand, the way into Transition might be more intricate than Longhurst suggests, and unfold less through explicit discursive agreements (e.g. about peak oil being a problem) than it might through piecemeal shifts in non-representational material and embodied attachments (such as looking through the shelves of a shop stocking local and seasonal produce, seeking to accommodate one’s desire for particular tastes with what’s on offer, and discovering new flavours). In fact, my suggestion is that questions like the one voiced by Longhurst should be understood as coessential to the moving of Transition as a live process: a moving that proliferates differences, and entangles these together by developing resources to express their relatedness as participant parts of an unfolding whole. This is akin to Goethe’s suggestion, for understanding the mutual relatedness of the different parts of a plant, of ‘train[ing] ourselves to bring [the different] manifestations [of the plant’s metamorphosis] into relationship in opposing directions, backward and forward. For we might equally well say that a stamen is a contracted petal, as that a petal is a stamen in a state of expansion’.43 Indeed, it is precisely by remaining sensitive to how the different practical trajectories enfolded in Transition become reciprocally relevant, that one can grasp the appearing of Transition as a moving, not a completed movement. This is an insight that evokes a process of continual self-differentiation across various domains of practice, alongside the unearthing of a mesh of cross-references between these (as was the case of Inner Transition being cued in the Totnes Pound meeting).
To conclude, in this chapter I have tried to outline how, even when it comes to experiences of an economic character woven into the moving of Transition, there is more than meets the eye. Local and complementary currencies, while a tool for relocalisation, can equally be understood as a technique for facilitating engagement with an unfolding material and discursive culture of Transition.44 In this light, particular attention has been devoted to the different possibilities offered respectively by currencies and LETS schemes. It has been suggested that the former make it easier to meet larger audiences in simpler capacities, due to the lower threshold of engagement in comparison with a LETS scheme (despite, of course, LETS schemes retaining a place in Transition culture, albeit with a slightly different purpose than perhaps to act as a direct invitation for wider constituencies).
Local and complementary currencies, in particular, are useful tools to nurture an interest in Transition by making it speak through the seemingly everyday act of consumption. They can serve as a tool for foregrounding possibilities that might have hitherto been hidden – in a manner not dissimilar to the practice of culture jamming45 – and facilitate a rethinking of one’s personal, everyday experience through the novelty of an attachment to the local currency (and the accompanying ‘ethical trading space’). In this sense, the Totnes Pound stands out as a Transition thing for its simultaneous relatedness to – and diversification of – the moving of Transition. On the one hand, in fact, engagement with a local currency can be a first step towards the discovery of additional Transition practices that may be encountered through the initial experience of buying in an ‘ethical trading space’. On the other hand, the currency scheme makes space within Transition for the seemingly routine act of consumption. In this way, it adds to the range of experiential possibilities that can be sustained within this evolving cultural milieu. However, this