to enter flight school, later admitting that he had intended using commercial aircraft in a proposed terrorist attack. After being subjected to three months of brutal interrogation at the hands of his Filipino captors, twenty-four-year old Kuwaiti-born Omar al-Faruq broke down and confessed to his association with al-Qaeda, revealing all to the American observers.
The Kuwaiti admitted to having spent three years at an al-Qaeda training camp in Khaldan, Afghanistan where he became close to the camp’s leader, al-Mughira al Gaza’iri and an upper echelon bin Laden associate, Abu Zubaydah. It had been on Zubaydah’s instruction that he traveled to the Philippines and ensconced himself at Camp Abubakar, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front’s terrorist-training facility. At that time Afghani veterans had become the trainers of a new generation of Mujahideen based in Mindanao. Working with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) in a reciprocal arrangement, recruits were trained in everything from scuba diving for seaborne terror attacks and the use of explosives to blow up ships, bridges, power plants and even the occasional assassination attempt.
The Americans were jubilant with their catch. Following months of coercive re-indoctrination al-Faruq was turned. He became a willing CIA ‘sleeper’ within Philippines separatist and Islamic movements, al-Faruq’s deep-cover role then known only to the most senior officers within the CIA.
Chapter Four
Petaling Jaya – Malaysia
1st January 1999
Azahari Husin listened while Hambali articulated his reasoning for their involvement in the imminent action in Indonesia’s eastern Christian provinces. They had driven from Shah Alam to Klang where Hambali maintained a one-bedroom unit for transients associated with their cause. The city was an appropriate location, just thirty kilometres from Kuala Lumpur and only eight kilometres from the port.
‘Why start with Ambon?’ Azahari wished to understand Hambali’s logic.
‘There are five main provincial areas which have non-Mus-lim majorities. These are West Papua, Indonesian Borneo, Sulawesi and Bali through the string of islands to the east known as Nusa Tenggarra. In the Moluccas, the demograph-ics have changed substantially with the forced transmigration processes and now we outnumber the Christian population by a narrow margin. However, Ambon still supports a Christian majority and, if we are to subjugate the non-Christian provinces then we must reverse the trend in Ambon to bring all the Moluccas under Islamic domination.’
Azahari suppressed a yawn. The streets were deserted but for the occasional itinerant strolling aimlessly around, lost in the post-celebratory haze of the New Year. Azahari and his passenger had both risen before dawn – Ramadan had commenced ten days before and both men continued to fast during daylight hours. ‘How much support do you expect from our cells in Java?’ he asked.
Hambali shook his head. ‘Nothing of any great significance,’ he said, thoughtfully, ‘at least, not yet. They’ll follow once we demonstrate what we are capable of achieving in the Christian areas.’
‘And the military?’
Hambali’s lip curled. ‘We have the backing of General Sumantri and his Kopassus clique.’
It was Azahari’s turn to smile. ‘From antagonist to benefactor?’
‘Why not use the opportunity? At this point in time we share some common interests.’
‘How is it going to play out?’
‘Sumantri’s people started the ball rolling last year; to stir the pot, they had Deddy Hamdan, one of the pro-democracy activists, disappear. Word on the street is that elements of the Kopassus Special Forces carried out the kidnapping, which shouldn’t come as any surprise. Then Sumantri orchestrated a turf war between Christian and Muslim Ambonese gangs in Jakarta back in November by spreading rumors that Ambonese Christians had burned a local mosque. A couple of hundred of the Cokers were then repatriated when…’
‘Cokers?’ Azahari interrupted.
‘An abbreviation for Cowok Kristen, the Christian Boys,’ Hambali clarified, ‘they operate in Ambon as well as Jakarta. As I was saying, when the street fighting broke out in Jakarta there were half a dozen or so Cokers killed. More than twenty churches were torched. When they were forcibly repatriated the Cokers raised hell upon arrival in Ambon. Won’t take much to light their fuse when we’re ready, especially if we can stir the Moluccan Muslim Student Movement.’
‘These Ambonese – are they well armed?’
‘I don’t expect they’ll put up much of a fight. Besides, Sumantri will see to it that the military look the other way when we strike.’
‘How will your troops be able to differentiate between the Muslims and Christians?’ Azahari was curious to know.
‘The disruptions will commence during the Idulfitri celebrations. We’ll spread the word for Muslims to wear white armbands to distinguish them from the others. We expect to mobilize support from the Leihitu Peninsula area and from Ternate in the north.’
‘And you are confident that we won’t be compromised in any way?’
‘Yes,’ Hambali responded, assuredly, ‘with Suharto gone we have forged our own niche with the new powers-to-be. They see us as an opportunity to do their dirty work for them.’ He moved to reassure his serious-faced companion. ‘Don’t worry. This action is just the beginning. The Jemaah Islamiyah is about to make its mark in Indonesia.’
Azahari considered Hambali’s comment. ‘Might be an ideal opportunity for our friends in the Philippines to mount a simultaneous campaign?’
‘The MILF is too fragmented to be effective,’ Hambali complained. ‘Also, their objectives are more of a domestic nature.’
‘But, they’re close enough to lend material support to the operations planned for Sulawesi and the Moluccas?’
‘They’d be reluctant to offer weapons.’
‘What about the North Korean shipments?’ Azahari was aware that Pyongyang had sold the Moro Islamic Liberation Front more than ten thousand U.S. M16 rifles, grenades and other arms over the past year. The secret, two-million dollar deal had been negotiated on Malaysian soil at Sandakan, which had become the main logistics airport for arms supply into the Philippines, with Ghazali Jaafar, the MILF vice chairman for political affairs in attendance. His sources had also revealed that the MILF had expressed interest in purchasing a North Korean mini-submarine which, to Azahari, demonstrated the Filipino separatist group’s sound financial strength. He knew that they financed their guerrilla activities by trading drugs produced in Mindanao, and frequently received funds from al-Qaeda sources in support of their quest for an Islamic state in southern Philippines. Also, there was considerable cross-pollination between the Jemaah Islamiyah and its Philippines counterpart with Indonesian and Malaysian recruits frequently undergoing training in the Mindanao camps. Equipped with sophisticated computerized satellite communications, the well-armed MILF force of ten thousand represented a formidable challenge to the government and its armed forces. Azahari knew that more than one hundred and twenty thousand Filipinos from both sides had died in the conflict during the past thirty years.
‘When I last visited Camp Abu Bakar in Mindanao they’d already received most of the M16s,’ Hambali reported. The camp was the principal MILF stronghold located in heavily forested, mountainous terrain and oversaw a further sixty military pods spread throughout the provinces which bordered Indonesia’s Kalimantan and Sulawesi. The MILF and al-Qaeda had established strong ties over the past decade and discussions regarding the establishment of an al-Qaeda training post under the MILF umbrella were well advanced. ‘But, again, I don’t believe they’ll give up any of their armory. Also,’ Hambali added, ‘we have to remember that they are currently still operating under a ceasefire with the government.