Michiel le Roux

Misadventures of a Cope Volunteer


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1964

      Political history: None

      Professional background: Appointed chief executive officer of Network Support Services, an IT service management solutions company, in 2005

      Interesting fact: Stands a mere 1.5m tall, but what she lacks in height she makes up for in vigour.

      Other: As a businesswoman, she offered Cope office space during the election campaign. She was a volunteer at the party’s founding conference in Bloemfontein and was busy working on the delegate database when, to her great surprise, her name was announced as a party leader.

      Juli Kilian, Cope’s National Party Liaison Committee representative to the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC)

      Born: 31 July 1952

      Political history:

       Started as a National Party (NP) volunteer in the 1980s, and later became an NP election campaign manager

       Served on the Johannesburg City Council 1991–1994

       Member of the Gauteng provincial legislature 1994–2004

       Briefly joined the Democratic Alliance (DA) after the NP dissolved, before becoming involved with Cope

      Interesting fact: Juli is a real elections guru, the kind who can quote legislative clauses off the cuff. She has an insider contact in every political party and at every news desk around the country.

      Other: She is also a closet landscape architect and, despite having mastered the double-click, suffers from occasional bouts of technophobia.

      Johan Kilian, Cope’s election manager

      Born: 17 June 1942

      Political history:

       National Party youth leader 1964–1974

       Served in various positions in the NP over the following three decades, eventually becoming a National Executive Council member

       Administrator of Vaal Triangle townships, including Sebokeng, Bophelong, Sharpeville and Boipatong, during the transition years

       Provincial leader of New NP in Gauteng 1997–2004

       Member of the Gauteng provincial legislature 1994–2004

      Interesting fact: Johan’s involvement in politics dates back further into the past than most history books care to delve. He has been around forever and there isn’t a predicament on earth for which he does not have an anecdote, usually from his National Party days. He is proud of his Afrikaner heritage without harbouring any bitterness about the new South Africa.

      Other: Married to Juli Kilian. Johan is as much an extension of Juli as she is of him; they are a formidable team.

      Moeketsi Mosola, Cope’s chairman of the National Elections Task Team

      Born: 23 May 1963

      Political history:

       Spent most of his life in the United States after going there to study

       Returned to South Africa after democratisation and became CEO of SA Tourism (2004–2009)

      Interesting fact: Moeketsi is the ultimate boss to work for. He is to the point, decisive and goal-orientated. He likes a glass of whiskey and has a passion for sport.

      Mvume Dandala, Cope’s 2009 presidential candidate

      Born: 26 October 1951

      Professional background:

       Limited early-life political involvement, e.g. serving as the local chairman of the South African Student Organisation (SASO) at the Federal Theological Seminary in Alice

       Former presiding bishop of the Methodist Church of Southern Africa, and a former head of the All Africa Council of Churches

      Interesting fact: Dandala has the friendliest smile in the business. He has a mischievous way of looking at you over his glasses as if you’ve been friends for years.

      ‘The one thing you can say without hesitation is that we

      are united on the basis that the national Constitution as it stands today

      must be defended and democracy must be deepened.’

      – Mosiuoa Lekota, November 2008

      ‘Why struggle if you can Cope?’

      – Mbhazima Shilowa, February 2009

      Introduction

      On 12 December 2008 the North Gauteng High Court ruled that the phrase ‘Congress of the People’ did not belong to the governing African National Congress (ANC). This ruling enabled a new political formation that had been ruffling feathers in South African politics for a few months to call itself by that name.

      A month later, a further objection against the registration of the acronym ‘Cope’ by the Cape Party was dismissed by the Electoral Commission and later also the Electoral Court. Thus, after several months of being a nameless movement, the breakaway faction from the ANC finally acquired a name. The Congress of the People entered my life when it was still a nameless movement. The date was 1 November 2008 and the place the Sandton Convention Centre.

      But I was a bit of a Johnny-come-lately: According to the founders of the party, the seed for the formation of a new political party had already been planted shortly after the ANC’s Polokwane conference in December 2007, where Jacob Zuma replaced Thabo Mbeki as president of the ruling party. Mbeki supporters believed that Zuma’s populist rhetoric and his blemished past rendered him unfit to lead the party, and also that his supporters’ lack of discipline was an ominous sign of what the ANC could become if Zuma was elected President. They also felt that Mbeki was treated unfairly at the conference and that the electoral process was rigged. Most of the Mbeki supporters who held prominent positions in the party were voted out and several others resigned.

      Following Zuma’s victory after a carefully coordinated campaign for the leadership of the ANC, the ruling party, and ultimately the country, was expected to change significantly. As leader of the ANC it was all but certain that he would become the next South African President, which his opponents feared would result in an economic leap to the left, the undermining of the country’s judiciary and the erosion of media freedom. Citing his relationship with convicted fraudster, Schabir Shaik, his polygamous lifestyle, his remarks about HIV during his rape trial in 2006, and his singing of the controversial struggle song Aweleth’ Umshini Wami (‘Bring Me My Machine Gun’), the international and most of the local media publications painted a bleak picture of the man who would become South Africa’s next President. To those who opposed his election as ANC president, Zuma’s victory was nothing short of a disaster.

      Several Mbeki supporters were torn between their loyalty to the ANC and their dedication to their ousted leader. During the struggle years, the ANC became more than just a political home to many of its supporters. Some felt that loyalty to the party far outweighed personal allegiances and that, even though Polokwane’s events were troubling, no such leadership clashes could ever justify defecting from the movement.

      Others, however, wanted change. To them the rift created by the leadership battle was too wide to ignore. They believed ideological differences in the party were irreconcilable.

      Cope emerged in turbulent circumstances. Covert discussions about a breakaway by dissatisfied Mbeki supporters started even before the Polokwane conference. It was undercover, it was mischievous and it was brave. It is alleged that several high-ranking ANC officials, who still form part of that party’s leadership today, participated in these discussions. While discussing their future in the ANC, the leaders who would ultimately defect to Cope realised that they shared many of the concerns about the party.

      The media started reporting on serious divisions in the ANC and soon there was widespread speculation about a breakaway. With disenchanted ANC members across the country