number of technological innovations related to this third period of change has literally exploded: Bandcamp, Amie Street, iTunes, YouTube, SpiralFrog, Qtrax, SoundCloud, last. fm, LimeWire, MySpace, Guvera, MOG, Rhapsody, Pandora, Spotify, Shazam, WiMP, QQ Music, rdio, are only a few out of an overwhelming number of music technology brands that have been part of this disruptive era for a brief, or in some cases an extended period of time. Although many of these initiatives may be relevant as markers of the new music industry dynamics, this book does not analyse the details of any such specific venture, technology or innovation. My ambition is rather to stay above the level of these ‘technological ripples’ and try to discern the long-term patterns that are created by the innovations in aggregate.
During this period of change I have been able to meet a large number of music industry professionals and to discuss with them their understanding of the new dynamics. I use quotes from these interviews to illustrate and strengthen the reasoning. In order to ensure the anonymity of the informants, I conceal their identities in relation to their quotes and introduce them by their profession – for example ‘product manager’ or ‘producer’. I conducted interviews with professionals from the US, the UK, Australia, China, Norway and Sweden. Why these countries, one might ask? The Anglophone countries warrant the attention of this study since they constitute some of the largest and most influential national music markets in the world (IFPI 2018), in terms of both consumption and production. Norway and Sweden are relatively small music markets, but they have been bellwethers for other countries in the transformation of their music economies. Norway and Sweden are countries with advanced information technology infrastructures and copyright legislations that initially were slow to adapt to international treaties (Keller 2006). This technological-regulatory combination nurtured an environment that at one point established Sweden as ‘a haven for copyright infringement’ (BBC News 2006; Reuters 2006) but that also allowed the Swedish capital Stockholm to serve as the seedbed for both Spotify and SoundCloud – two online music platforms that have had a profound impact on the shaping of the digital music economy of the twenty-first century. Sweden is also a nation with a ‘fantastically rich music culture’ (BBC News 2006) and a history as a strong exporter of popular music (see, e.g., ExMS 2005). It is one of only three countries in the world that are net exporters of music and is the world’s biggest music exporter measured in terms of exports per capita (ibid.). Lastly, China is among the most dynamic of all national music markets, primarily due to a number of key government policy initiatives that enabled the establishment of a formal economy based on recorded music (Osawa 2015). In early 2019, the growth of the Chinese music economy was expected to continue and firmly establish China as one of the ten largest music markets in the world.
While I recognize the idiosyncratic nature of these and other national music markets, most mature music markets are still dominated by the same small set of large multinational organizations. These international economic structures allow innovations, practices, people and routines to flow easily across national borders. For that reason, I argue that the findings presented in this volume based on research in the aforementioned countries are transferable to other music markets, at least to those mature music markets in countries that are members of the OECD.
The structure of the book
This is the third edition of this book. Throughout all three editions the book analyses the ongoing digital transformation of the music industry. I argue that this increasingly Cloud-based industry is characterized by high connectivity and little control; music provided as a service; and increased amateur creativity. The third edition captures how the recorded music industry in the early 2020s is dominated by access-based music platforms and analyses novel ways for promotion and music discovery via these platforms. Chapters 2, 3 and 5 have been essentially rewritten to provide a clearer historical context for the evolution of the Cloud-based music economy; how access-based music platforms transform the interaction between music and the media; and how these platforms continue to mould music fans’ social and creative listening practices.
In Chapter 1, I start out by labelling the music industry as a ‘copyright industry’ and I discuss characteristics and features that distinguish these industries from other, ‘non-copyright industries’. I outline the debate about the possible tension between profit maximization and creativity and lastly, I present a theoretical platform, based on frameworks from organizational theory, social learning theory and the sociology of culture, that support the understanding of the dynamics of the digital music economy.
In the second chapter, I turn the attention to the inner workings of the music industry. It is important to understand the traditional music industry in order to recognize the significance of the change that has created the twenty-first-century music economy. I use well-established models to explain and discuss the music industry and its three sub-sectors: recorded music, music publishing and live music. I give an account of the history of the twentieth-century music industry and present some of the organizations that are currently dominating the different industry sectors.
After having introduced and contextualized the music industry, I use the next three chapters to analyse different aspects of the transformation of the industry. In Chapter 3, I analyse the relationship between recorded music, media and audiences. I start out by presenting a model of this relationship used to support an analysis of the changes in the media environment. I focus on how the increased connectivity of the audience–music firm network shapes the digital music economy and I introduce concepts such as ‘audience fragmentation’ and ‘option value blurring’. This part of the analysis is particularly focused on the recorded music sector and the music-licensing sector. In the area of music-licensing, I examine the changing roles of music publishing and the music publisher in the digital music industry dynamics. In the area of the recorded music sector, I focus on a range of online music business model innovations and how they have emerged over the decades. I examine the models’ viability (or lack thereof) in the light of the shifting levels of connectivity and control.
Chapter 4 is focused on music-making. I have already noted in this introduction that a significant characteristic of the digital music economy is the lowered barriers to enter the music economy, the rise of amateur creativity and the increase of so-called user-generated content. However, in Chapter 4, I will focus on the professional making of music, both in the studio and on stage. I explore the changes in the production system of popular music, primarily related to the roles and careers of songwriters, artists and producers, and to the changes in the institutions and structures of that system.
In Chapter 5, I focus on the role of music fans, and how this changing role touches every aspect of the digital music economy, including distribution, promotion, production, funding and talent development. I examine how fans’ desire to listen to music, use music and express themselves through music is sometimes in conflict with copyright legislation.
Finally, I take the discussion into the future and reflect on how the trends of today will shape the music economy of tomorrow.
Notes
1 1. Ghosts I–IV reached the number 2 spot on Amazon’s list of top sellers, 29 April 2008.
2 2. It was in 1999 when Shawn Fanning, at the time a student at Northeastern University in Boston, MA, USA, developed the Napster software.
3 3. Cf. Bill Gates’s vision of ‘friction-free distribution’ and ‘friction-free capitalism’ (Gates 1995).
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