colony had among the tribes took this opportunity of renewing their machinations, he relapsed into his former hostility. Arrangements were made for collecting seven, or eight hundred Indians, under pretence of solemnizing the funeral of Ensenore. Half of them were to lie in ambush for those of the colonists who daily straggled along the coast in pursuit of crabs, fish and other provisions. The other detachment was to assault the settlement of Roanoke, at a signal by fire in the night. Even the particular houses were allotted to be burned by particular persons or parties. Twenty were charged to beset the dwelling of Governor Lane, and fire the reeds which covered it; this would bring him out, naked and unarmed, and then they could despatch him without danger. The same order was made for Mr. Heriot's, and various other habitations, which were to be fired at the same instant. In the meantime, as it was of great consequence to reduce the strength of the colony by dispersing it, Wingina provided for breaking up the weirs, and strictly prohibited all trade in provisions. He kept himself aloof also with a similar view.
The plan was well concerted, and not without success. The Governor was soon obliged to send off twenty of the colonists to a part of the coast called Croatan, merely that they might collect the means of their own sustenance. Ten more were sent to Hatteras for the same purpose; and other small companies scattered themselves about on the seacoast, to gather oysters and roots. But the ingenuity of the civilized party, driven to desperation, finally prevailed against the chieftain's naked shrewdness. The Governor sent him word he was going to Croatan, to meet an English squadron which had touched there with supplies, covering the object of this fabrication by also requesting the services of a few Indians to fish and hunt for the colony. Desirous of gaining time, Wingina promptly replied, that he would himself visit Mr. Lane in eight days. No doubt he expected to complete his conspiracy in this interval.
But the Governor was not so to be deceived. He resolved, on the contrary, to pay the Sachem a visit the next day after receiving his answer. Previous to that, however, he proposed to surprise the Indians at Wingina's old settlement on the island (Roanoke) and to take their canoes from them. But they, too, were on the alert, so entirely had Wingina prepared them for emergencies. "For when I sent to take the canows," says Mr. Lane in his Journal, "they met one going from the shore, overthrew her, and cut off two Salvages' heads; wherevpon the cry arose, being by their spies perceived; for they kept as good watch ouer vs as we ouer them." A skirmish ensued, and the Indians fled into the woods. The next morning, the Governor crossed over to a place on the main called Dassamonpeak, and sent Wingina word he was going to Croatan, and having certain complaints to make to him respecting his subjects, would be happy to call upon him by the way. On the faith of this proposal, the chieftain, with several of his principal men, met the Governor's party on their route. But no conversation took place. The Governor gave an appointed watchword to his men on approaching, and they fired upon the Indians. Wingina was shot through with a pistol-bullet, and fell. Recovering his feet immediately, he fled, and was near escaping his pursuers, when an Irish boy shot him a second time. He was soon overtaken, and then beheaded on the spot.
We do not feel disposed to dismiss these biographies of the Carolinian Sachems, short and slight as they are, without offering such comment as they most obviously suggest. It appears singular, at first sight, that so striking a difference of feeling towards the English should be manifested by the two brothers. Perhaps there was fault on both sides. Master Heriot admits, that some of the colony, "towards the latter end showed themselves too furious, in slaying some of the people in some Townes, vpon causes that on our part might haue been borne with more mildnesse." We have seen with how little ceremony the Governor proceeded to take summary measures. He was driven to extremities, indeed, but that in itself was no fault of the Indians—they were not under obligation to supply him, though it appears that they sometimes did, gratuitously.
Perhaps a remark should be made respecting a provocation which occurred when the colony was first left by Grenville. The English went about ranging the coast from tribe to tribe, and from town to town—which very circumstance, besides being probably accompanied by other trespasses, and at all events wholly unlicensed by the natives, could hardly be looked upon as either friendly or just. Then, "at Aquascosack the Indians stole a silver cup, wherefore we burnt the towne, and spoiled their corne, and so returned to our fleet at Tocokon." [8] This was certainly no way to make friends, and those who are familiar with the Carolinian history subsequent to Wingina's death, will remember that the injury was by no means forgotten. Finally, setting aside the attempt to justify either party, it will be noticed, by such as may take the pains to look into the annals of this period, that the greater part of the information which the Governor received of the Sachem's motives and movements came through the medium of that shrewd cripple, Menatenon, and his son Shiko. Whatever the facts might be, then, the evidence was clearly inadequate if not wholly inadmissible.
Footnote
[1] Smith's History, Vol. II.
[2] Then valued at a crown each. The anecdote reminds one of Japazaws.
[3] So called by the early writers on various occasions. Probably they were shells, or rock-crystal, or something of that kind.
[4] "This King was at Chowanock two yeares agoe to trade with blacke pearle, his worst sort whereof I had a rope, but they were naught; but that king he, [Menatenon] sayth hath store of white, and had traffcke with white men, for whom he reserved them."
[5] The Mangoaks haue such plentie of it, they beautifie their houses with great plates thereof; this the salvages report; and young Shiko, the King Chawonocks sonne my prisoner, that had been prisoner among the Mangoaks, &c. …
[5] See the journal of Governor Lane, as preserved in the old collections.
[7] Heriot.
[8] Relation of Lane.
CHAPTER VI. [1]
Synopsis of the New England Indians at the date of the Plymouth Settlement—The Pokanoket confederacy—The Wampanoag tribe—Their first head-Sachem, known to the English—Massasoit—The first interview between him and the whites—His visit to Plymouth, in 1621—Treaty of peace and friendship—Embassy sent to him at Sowams, by the English—Anecdotes respecting it—He is suspected of treachery or hostility, in 1622—His sickness in 1623—A second deputation visits him—Ceremonies and results of the visit—His intercourse with other tribes—Conveyances of land to the English—His death and character—Anecdotes.
The clearest, if not the completest classification of the New England Indians, at the date of the settlement of Plymouth, includes five principal confederacies, each occupying their own territory, and governed by their own chiefs. The Pequots inhabited the eastern part of Connecticut. East of them were the Narraghansetts, within whose limits Rhode Island, and various smaller islands in the vicinity, were comprised. The Pawtucket tribes were situated chiefly in the southern section of New Hampshire, the Massachusetts tribes around the bay of their own name; and between these upon the north and the Narraghansetts upon the south, the Pokanokets claimed a tract of what is now Bristol county, (Rhode Island) bounded laterally by Taunton and Pawtucket rivers for some distance, together with large parts of Plymouth and Barnstable.
This confederacy exercised some dominion over the Indians of Nantucket and Martha's Vineyard, and over several of the nearest Massachusetts and Nipmuck tribes;—the latter name designating an interior territory, now mostly within the boundaries of Worcester county. Of the Pokanokets, there were nine separate cantons or tribes, each governed by its own petty sagamore or squaw, but subject to one grand-sachem, who was also the particular chief of the Wampanoag canton, living about Montaup. [2]
The first knowledge we have of the Wampanoags, and of the individuals who ruled over them and the other Pokanokets, is furnished in the collections of Purchas, on the authority of a Captain Dermer, the Master Thomas Dirmire spoken of by John Smith in his New England Trialls, as "an vnderstanding and industrious gentleman, who was also with him amongst the Frenchmen."