Mattias Vermeiren

Crisis and Inequality


Скачать книгу

T) + (X – M),

      where C refers to household consumption (i.e. purchases of consumer goods and services), I to private investment (i.e. purchases of capital goods), (G – T) to the government balance (i.e. government spending minus tax revenues) and (X – M) to the trade balance (i.e. exports minus imports).

      Any capitalist economy faces a potential contradiction between the need for firms to contain production costs and make profits and the need to support the consumption capacity of lower- and middle-income households. This contradiction lies at the heart of Marxist theory that capitalism is inherently prone to economic crisis and instability due to the recurring problem of ‘underconsumption’ and ‘overproduction’.29 As Marx wrote, ‘the ultimate reason for all real crises always remains the poverty and restricted consumption of the masses as opposed to the drive of capitalist production to develop the productive forces’.30 Marx noted that there is a fundamental contradiction in the capitalist system between the competitive need for capital owners to extract as much surplus value as possible from the working classes and the need to find enough buyers for their goods. Modern ‘underconsumption’ theory is closely associated with John Maynard Keynes, who believed that any deficiency in aggregate demand can be resolved by the intervention of the state: the government can always support aggregate demand during falls in household consumption (C) and corporate investment (I) by engaging in ‘deficit spending’ (G > T).

      During the post-war ‘Keynesian era’ of egalitarian capitalism, aggregate demand was supported not only by governments’ macroeconomic policies geared towards ‘full employment’, but also by relatively strong labour unions and collective bargaining institutions that ensured wages grew in line with average labour productivity – a complex of institutions that reflected a historical compromise between the industrial fractions of capital and the working classes (see chapters 2 and 3). Marxist scholars are sceptical about the political and economic sustainability of these equality-promoting institutions in a capitalist system that continues to be driven by profit maximization.

      Source: AMECO; OECD

      AT = Austria; BE = Belgium; CA = Canada; DE = Germany; DM = Denmark; ES = Spain; FI = Finland; GR = Greece; JP = Japan; NL = Netherlands; PT = Portugal; SE = Sweden; UK = United Kingdom; US = United States.

      The debt-led and export-led growth models became mutually dependent: buoyant domestic demand in the debt-led economies translated into higher imports from export-led economies and helped to sustain their growth model; trade surpluses in the latter economies translated into excess savings that were reinvested in the financial system of the debt-led economies and facilitated their growth. The key problem was that these interdependencies culminated in widening and unsustainable trade imbalances that many economists consider to be an important international cause of the global financial crisis and subsequent euro crisis: running persistent and rising trade deficits implied that the debt-led economies accumulated unsustainable amounts of foreign liabilities by borrowing in net terms from private banks in the export-led economies. In chapter 7 we analyse the linkages between the formation of these two growth models and the widening of unsustainable imbalances, which has imposed a painful macroeconomic adjustment process on many industrialized countries since the eruption of the crisis – but particularly so on peripheral Eurozone countries.

      The growth model perspective elaborated in the following chapters deviates from neoclassical models in three fundamental ways. First, it is based on heterodox economic theories that emphasize the role of aggregate demand dynamics not only in affecting the short-term fluctuations of economic activity (i.e. business cycles) but also in determining the long-term growth potential of the economy.