all manner of subjects, and it is common for letters to open with an appeal to him for legal aid, and to end widi some reference to politics.
Gouverneur Morris, it is quite evident, always entertained a grudge against Hamilton for his summing up and retort in the Le Guen case, for Morris appears to have been very vulnerable to sarcasm, as he was a conceited, though great, man. He, however, manifested much kindness of heart when allowed to manage other people's affairs, and was perfectly amiable and often went to great lengths to help others. He was about five years Hamilton's senior, was licensed to practise law, and had much to do with the conduct of the financial affairs of the country, and the preparation and framing of the Constitution.
Rufus King, who was the first person in the United States to seriously advocate the abolition of slavery, proposed, in 1785, an act of Congress for that purpose. Negro slavery, however, seems to have been quite general, and it was not until 1799 that there was special legislation in New York, which made all children free that were born in that State after July of that year, though they were to remain with the owner, the men till they were twenty-eight years and the women till they were twenty-five. It has been stated that Hamilton never owned a negro slave, but this is untrue. We find that in his books there are entries showing that he purchased them for himself and for others.
Rufus King and General Schuyler were representatives of New York in the national Senate in 1789. Under the new Constitution King was also American Minister to Great Britain, from 1798-1814, and again, for a short time, in 1825, and both Schuyler and Hamilton relied upon him as an able and powerful Federalist.
Egbert Benson, the first Attorney-General for the State of New York, was a remarkably clear-headed lawyer. He had been previously a member of the Committee of Safety, and later was one of the three commissioners who were to supervise the emigration of Tories from New York to Nova Scotia, and was concerned in fixing the boundary line between the United States and British territory.
He was looked upon as an important person, and with Hamilton settled many disputed points during the post-Revolutionary period. David Howell wrote from Halifax, August 31, 1796, to Hamilton:
Sir: Col. Barclay and myself after 7 or 8 days canvassing have agreed upon the Hon. Egbert Benson of New York as 3rd Commiss.
As he is your friend as well as ours, let me request your influence with him to accept this appointment. We shall never agree with any other person. The alternative is not very promising nor likely to prove satisfactory to either country.
I hope your State will suspend their claims on Mr. Benson only for a few weeks this fall—the cause. Col. Barclay and myself have agreed shall be tried in the City of N. York.
As you delight in doing public services, I assure myself of your attention to the object of this letter. I need only add that when I parted with you, I requested you to consult Mr. Benson and to write me whether he would accept or not, and that from your silence I had some reason to hope he would accept.
With great esteem and in haste,
I am Your
Very obt. Sert.
Hon. A, Hamilton.
David Howell.
The Henry Barclay referred to in Howell's letter graduated at King's College, and studied law under John Jay, and was a son of the Rector of Trinity Church before the Revolution, but sided with the British, and after the war escaped, with his family, to Nova Scotia. After Jay's treaty, he was appointed one of the Commissioners in behalf of Great Britain.
Benson was in the Continental Congress from 1789-1794, and in the new Congress from 1789-1793, and from 1813-1815. He was judge of the New York Supreme Court, and of the United States Circuit Court, from 1794-1801.
John Laurance, who had been an aide to Washington, was in Congress and a State senator as well for many years. He was also a judge of the United States District Court of New York, from 1794-1796, and afterward of the Supreme Court of the United States from 1796-1800.
Brockholst Livingston had been on General Schuyler's staff, after Jay's mission to the Spanish Court, whither he also went, became a prominent lawyer and ultimately judge of the Supreme Court of New York. He, too, frequently appeared with Hamilton in court, and usually on the same side. Both he and Jonathan Dayton went to school with Hamilton at Elizabethtown.
The witty Richard Peters, after a long and honorable service in the army, and after winning distinction as an admiralty lawyer, became United States District Judge of the Pennsylvania Court from 1789 until his death. He was a curious, inventive genius, and dabbled to some extent in chemistry. He it was who introduced gypsum for agricultural purposes, and the writer is in possession of a letter containing his suggestion for the manufacture of india ink from lamp-black. His intercourse with Hamilton was most intimate, and as he was a great deal of a farceur, his letters are filled with evidence of this spirit.
Pickering, who was Secretary of State from 1795-1800, took an active part in the obstinate fight of the Federalists against Burr, and espoused Hamilton's side in his difference with Adams.
Oliver Wolcott was with Hamilton at the time of his death, and his two pathetic letters to his wife, describing the events, are published elsewhere. He took an active part in national affairs, and especially in those of Connecticut, his native State, where he was lieutenant-governor for ten years. Hamilton always turned to him in his political troubles, and he was sympathetic, and resourceful in his advice.
Robert Troup, who graduated at King's College at about the time Hamilton entered, seems to have been the fidus Achates latter, and many were the actions in which they were associated, Hamilton usually being the counsel. There was probably no more attached friend than Troup, and he was always ready to champion the cause of Hamilton, who was exactly his own age. Troup was made a judge of the United States Circuit Court of New York, and had much to do with the land affairs of the great Pulteney estate, the territory which was purchased from Robert Morris, who afterward had reason to regret the sale.
William Duer was Assistant Secretary of the Treasury under Hamilton, and had been Secretary of the Financial Board under Robert Morris. He, too, had been actively engaged in public affairs, and was one of the committee who drafted the first constitution of the State of New York. He married Lady Kitty, daughter of Lord Stirling, in 1779, when he was an army officer at Morristown, and was very intimate with Hamilton and his other friends. Duer, like many others, later not only became involved in unfortunate speculations but gambled with die public funds. This led to his ruin and incarceration by his creditors. From all accounts he appears always to have been a lovable man and, notwithstanding his irregularities, was the recipient of much sympathy. His downfall was a sad one, and his treatment of Pintard, a young broker who trusted him and was ruined thereby, was highly discreditable to Duer. After his failure he was immediately sued by a number of angry people.
When he attempted to make restitution, it was found that his bank stock could not be converted into cash, and his land could not be disposed of because of the panicky nature of the times. Hamilton had done his best to help him get financial assistance from Mr. Willing, the banker of Philadelphia, but the latter replied that he could do nothing. The crash came, and in his distress Duer wrote to Hamilton:
William Duer to Alexander Hamilton
New York, March 18th, 1793.
My dear Friend: I find by a letter from Col'l. Wadsworth that news has arrived there of my having suspended payment. The fact is that I have been compelled to do it, with Respect to a certain Description of Notes, which were issued by my agent during my absence from this City—the Circumstances are too long and too painful to detail—: You shall know them on my arrival in Phila. for which Place I will certainly set off to-morrow—: Col'l. Wadsworth writes me that unless I arrive this day—a suit will Certainly be brought against me.
For Heavens Sake! Use for once your Influence to defer this till my arrival—when it will not be necessary—My Public Transactions are not blended with my private affairs. Every Farthing will be Immediately accounted for. Of this I pledge my Honor. If a suit should be brought on the Part of the Public,—under my present distrest Circumstances—my Ruin is complete.