the interior. The duty, formerly 3d., was reduced, on the recommendation of the commissioner, to 1d. per lb.
To Mr. Henry Hopkins the public are indebted for the first appreciation of Tasmanian wool. In September, 1821, he offered by advertisement a price in money, and bought at 4d. per lb. Twelve bales sold in London, the entire wool export of the colony, for 7d. per lb., or £88: the expenses were nearly half that sum. The merchants, however, continued to purchase, and the settlers to improve their flocks. In 1823, five hundred and fifty bales were exported in the Deveron, and an equal quantity in other vessels; and the wool of Clarendon rivalled the flocks at Port Jackson.
FOOTNOTES:
[111] Bigge's Report.
[112] Par. Pap.
[113] Bigge's Report.
[114] Bigge's Report.
[115] Par. Pap.
SECTION VII
The Britannia, a vessel the property of Messrs. Enderby and Sons, first discovered the whale fishery.[116] On doubling the south-west cape of Van Diemen's Land the crew saw sperm whales: in their progress to Port Jackson they fell in with prodigious shoals, as far as could be seen from the mast head. On arriving at Port Jackson the captain secretly informed the governor, who facilitated his preparation for a cruise. The sailors, however, did not conceal their observation, and two other vessels, the Mary Ann and Matilda, sailed one day before the Britannia and the Salamander, on the 1st November, 1791. On their departure they encountered bad weather, but saw whales in great plenty. The attempt was, for the moment, unsuccessful. Great expectations were formed by the colonists, who anticipated that this port would be a rendezvous of fishermen. This fishery, pursued since with so much vigour, was of little immediate value to Van Diemen's Land.
The duties payable on exports from the colonies were both excessive and unequal; especially in oil, the difference amounting to almost absolute prohibition; being twenty times greater than by London ships. The settlers could only procure for their own consumption or the Indian market. The whalers often carried on their operations in sight of the towns, and heaps of bone at that period lay on the eastern shore. Of the first whale taken in the Derwent, Jorgen Jorgenson declared himself the captor.
The trading pursuits of the inhabitants were fettered by the privilege of the East India Company. The act of parliament authorising its charter, prohibited the employment of vessels less than 350 tons between England and New South Wales; the small coasting trade was, therefore, solely eligible to the people of these colonies except in vessels unsuitable to the extent of their commerce. Thus, even the Mauritius was closed against the corn and meat of this country. This law was repealed in 1819, and thus vessels of any tonnage could be employed in the colonial trade.
In the islands of the straits sealing was pursued with such vigour, that it was comparatively exhausted at an early date: small vessels were employed in the dangerous navigation, and not unfrequently lost.
Few instances of nautical disaster and personal misfortune have surpassed the case of Captain Howard, in 1819. He was robbed of an iron chest containing money and jewels to a large amount. Next, the Lachlan, his property, was stolen by convicts. He freighted the Daphne for India, and sailed with two women and a boy, beside the crew. They anchored at Kent's Group, and Howard landed. The brig, some hours after, was observed to drift: the wind blowing hard on the shore, her destruction was inevitable. The long boat was laden, and leaving behind the passengers and some seamen, Howard after great efforts reached the Derwent. Under his direction, the Governor Sorell sloop was dispatched to receive the people left on the island. Meanwhile the John Palmer entered the group, took off the women and the boy, and a bag of 400 dollars left in their charge; and was lost with the whole of her cargo. Nor was the Governor Sorell more fortunate: the seamen of the Daphne, who left the island in a boat, saw on the north-east coast of Cape Barren, the binnacle and other fragments of that vessel, in which Howard perished.
The same fate seemed to attend his property after his death. He had freighted the Frederick and the Wellington with sheep and cattle for the Isle of France, a market which then offered large gains. After some delay they reached the Northumberland Islands, off which the stock all died, from want of room and the influence of climate. Unwilling to proceed without cargo, the captain detained the vessels for spars. Here the Frederick was wrecked, and twenty-two of the crew were drowned; but the chief officer, one woman, and a boy, reached the Wellington. They then proceeded to Timor, constrained on the passage to subsist on the preserved hides of the cattle. From Timor they proceeded to Batavia: the captain died, and the crew dispersed; and the vessel was taken under charge by the Orphan Chamber, her register being lost, and her owners unknown!
A calamity still more singular, may be worth record.[117] The Surrey, Captain Raine, left the Derwent in 1820. Having heard that men were detained at Ducie's Island, he went there in search of them. The men came to the beach, but could scarcely articulate from exhaustion: they had belonged to the Essex, a whaler. One day, a whale of the largest class struck the vessel, and broke off part of her false keel: she then went a-head of them a quarter of a mile, and turning back met the vessel with such tremendous velocity that she was driven back at the rate of several knots: the sea rushed in at the cabin windows; every man on deck was knocked down, and the bows were completely stove in. The sailors were obliged to abandon the vessel, and after visiting several islands were found by the Surrey as described.
The strong inclination to trade, common to emigrants, was in these colonies a passion, while the settlers were of the lower class. The want of coin induced the government to pay the debts it incurred in rum, which, commonly valued at £1 per bottle, passed from hand to hand. The commissariat receipts were, however, the chief medium of exchange: they were acknowledgements of the delivery of goods for the use of the crown. They were paid by the settlers to the merchants, who on the appointed days presented them for consolidation, and received in return bills on the lords of the treasury. Every trader issued his notes. The islands of Scotland possessed a small paper currency, and to that origin were we probably indebted for our own. Dr. Johnson found such trifling bills in circulation during his celebrated tour. In Hobart Town they were issued in great profusion.[118] Often of the lowest value, both in amount and in credit, they kept afloat by the risk which their refusal involved. When presented in small quantities they were usually paid. A trader rejecting his neighbour's bills would be harrassed by his revenge: this was, however, done in some instances. A large issuer of notes in Launceston was staggered by a sudden demand for payment: to maintain his credit he borrowed dollars, and gave additional notes as security. A few days after they returned, and the same dollars were again borrowed by the unfortunate financier. The run was devised by his clerk, who managed by such manœuvres to obtain a large bonus for negociating a loan of coin. The credit of these notes depended greatly on the Naval officer, a sort of collector: if admitted in payment of duties, they were current everywhere. The criminal courts continually exhibited frauds, consequent on these small issues. The issuers, however, had many chances in their favor: they did not always know their own notes; but great numbers were destroyed by persons intoxicated, or lost or worn out. The meaning of payment in currency, they interpreted, as giving one note for another, or four shillings for five shillings.