didn’t necessarily require a divorce, and over the near term the four still functioned as a nominal family, even vacationing together in the Engadine as late as Christmas 1930. Meanwhile, Elisabeth had won the heart of Dr. Albrecht, the obstetrician who had nursed her back to health following the stillbirth. Kurt’s diary records the jumble their lives had become before the split. February 5: E [Elisabeth], Albrecht, AvP [Annemarie von Puttkamer] . . . E with Albrecht. March 13: Evening with Albrecht. May 3: AvP brings Enoch.
On the morning of May 16, 1930, Elisabeth wrote in her diary, “Kurt breakfasts with me for the last time. At eight he drives off.” She called it “this worst of days.” A Darmstadt physician and psychoanalyst who had once treated Elisabeth for a case of nerves spent the afternoon with her in Munich’s botanical garden, sharing passages about reconciliation.
After Hans Albrecht made clear his wish to marry her, Elisabeth initiated the divorce, which was granted early the following year. To dissolve a marriage, one party was obliged to assume guilt and stipulate with whom the marriage vows had been broken. Kurt did so, but to protect the reputations of his socially prominent mistresses, a working-class woman took the fall with him. It’s unclear whether she had actually been one of his girlfriends or was simply cajoled or paid to testify in court. But the divorce decree states that Kurt confessed to engaging in an “unethical relationship with the baker’s wife Ida Pollinger . . . since the spring of 1930 by exchanging kisses and caresses.”
Niko and Maria might have suffered more from the split if it had been rancorous or if their parents had been a bigger part of their lives. Instead, they both seem to have pledged to make the best of their new circumstances. “Niko is a very secretive person,” his sister would tell me shortly before her death in 1996. “He never talks about things. He’s absolutely marvelous because he feels everything. We really were enriched by new people in our lives instead of thinking we had a broken home. We thought it was normal. As a child I wanted to get married twice and have a nice extended family.”
My grandmother formalized her relationship with Dr. Albrecht, seen here with a day’s harvest, in March 1931, and Niko and Maria joined them in a comfortable home in Munich’s Nymphenburg district. No one was surprised by the match: family members recalled Dr. Albrecht being a nervous wreck while delivering my father, so smitten was he by the woman who a decade later would become his wife.
Niko and Maria quickly warmed to their new stepfather. He played the violin and viola, painted watercolors, and had the informal manner of rural Bavaria. An amateur magician who belonged to Der Magische Zirkel, a magicians’ guild, he would go into private homes and perform tricks. With his stepchildren he shared stories from the delivery room, tales welcomed even more for how they discomfited their mother—including one about the frantic nurse who would meet him at the curb outside the hospital in the middle of the night and cry, Herr Doktor! Ihr Muttermund ist ein Fünf-Mark-Stück gross! (Her cervix is dilated to the size of a five-mark piece!)
As if to guard against all this uninhibited medical talk, Elisabeth threw herself into Christian Science, assigning her children passages by Mary Baker Eddy and dragging them to services at the Tonhalle. Yet Maria continued to act out, and in 1931 she was expelled from boarding school. Her mother and father were so absorbed in their own lives that neither bothered to fetch her from Munich’s main station, and as a thirteen-year-old she was left to schlep her suitcases home by herself.
Meanwhile, as an expectant little Bildungsbürger, Niko began to work toward his Abitur at Munich’s Maximilians-Gymnasium. Student and school made for a poor match. Niko turned in homework only on cold or rainy days when, riding the tram instead of walking, he could do assignments en route.
By now Germany had begun its march toward fascism. In March 1933 came the Enabling Act, an amendment to the Weimar constitution passed after the Reichstag fire that granted Hitler broad lawmaking power without any parliamentary restraints. In August 1934 my father and his mother were vacationing in Switzerland when word reached them that German president Paul von Hindenburg was dead, and Hitler had declared himself Führer. A year later the Nazis pushed through the Nuremberg Laws at their annual party rally in that city. At a stroke, 450,000 German Jews were reduced from citizens to “state subjects.” But another 50,000 Germans—those descended from Jews who had undergone conversions—posed a dilemma. The Nazis regarded Jewishness as a racial construct, so they were unimpressed by baptisms, like those of Kurt’s maternal grandparents, unless an act of Christian affirmation had taken place no further back than one’s great-grandparents. Nonetheless, if you were what the Nazis called a “Mischling,” or a German of mixed background—whether a “first-degree Mischling,” with one parent of Jewish descent, like Kurt, or a “second-degree Mischling,” like Niko—you could for the moment retain your citizenship, even if the Nazis didn’t regard you as belonging fully to the German race and nation.
That same year, after he repeated the equivalent of sixth grade, Niko and the Max-Gymnasium had become exasperated with each other. “The student failed to bring to bear even a modicum of diligence and was wholly indifferent to every subject,” reads his report card from the end of the 1934–35 school year. “Despite having repeated the grade, he met the standard by the barest of margins.”
All parties were relieved when Niko, now fourteen, left the following fall for Landheim Schondorf, a boarding school on Bavaria’s Ammersee. There he flourished. Latin and math came leavened with instruction in sailing and photography and the chance to design and build theater sets. He entered a contest to come up with a logo for a publishing house called Bruckmann, and his entry—an intertwined bridge (Brücke) and man (Mann)—won first prize. “He got on well at Schondorf, intellectually and physically,” Maria once told me. “And out of the shadow of his sister. With no malicious intent, I terrorized him.”
By 1939, Niko’s mother would take the Schondorf directory and mark swastikas next to the names of a handful of students with prominent Nazi parents. Those notations survive today, indicating the children of Elk Eber, the painter who glorified National Socialist themes; Hermann Boehm, the admiral from Kiel; and Ernst Boepple, the SS-Oberführer who would be hanged in Krakow in 1950 for his role in implementing the Holocaust in occupied Poland. But at the time Niko enrolled, Schondorf was still a relative refuge from the Gleichschaltung, the Nazification of so much of German life. The school had a headmaster devoted to Bildung and could count a number of “Mischlinge” in its student body.
Nonetheless, after dinner on Wednesday evenings my father would pull on a brown uniform and swastika armband and, under the leadership of an older student, go off to the weekly meeting, known as Heimabend, with the school’s Hitler Youth troop. “They indoctrinated us with crap, with distorted history, half-truths about World War I, that Germany had been overrun and stabbed in the back,” he once told me. “Antisemitic stuff and innuendo. You had to pretend to like it or you’d get your parents or the school in trouble.”
Niko recalled several students of more fully Jewish descent than he who weren’t allowed to take part: “We envied them, of course.”
However he conducted his personal life, my grandfather hewed to a strict code as he wound down his business. On June 23, 1930, he wrote to Werfel:
I cannot, I will not keep the Kurt Wolff Verlag going. . . . The firm has exhausted me, both physically and materially; for the past six years I have been slowly bleeding to death. When the inflation ended and the mark became stable again, I was left with no cash assets . . . but I did have an immense stockpile of books, most of them printed on paper of poor quality. At first sales continued to be good, and this misled me to believe, like so many others, that I had a large operation requiring a large staff. And obviously I also felt that the employees who had stood by me during the hard times of inflation should be kept on as long as possible. . . . There was no cash; the vast majority of the books we had in stock were not selling well, since the public’s taste had changed so thoroughly. . . . I refuse to declare bankruptcy, even though these days that is not considered a dishonorable step, nor am I inclined to do what so many of my colleagues have done and become a front man for the manipulations of my creditors, printers, and bookbinders. What money I had of my own is gone.