by either pole, and takes up a position at right angles to the line, and, therefore, at right angles to the line a magnetic body would assume in similar circumstances.
But perhaps one of the most interesting events, to Prince Albert at least, was the laying of the first submarine telegraph cable at Portsmouth on the 13th of December, 1846. In the year 1843 telegraphic communication from the Nine Elms terminus at Portsmouth to Gosport had been established. Then the wires were continued to the Clarence Victualling Yard. The harbour, however, still intervened between the end of the wire and the Port Admiral’s house, and it was supposed to be impossible to connect the two points electrically under water. The first plan suggested was to lay the wires in metal cases, to be fixed in position by divers with diving-bells. But it was finally agreed to lay the wires in a stout cable, and this was done without the use of a return wire. The first message sent over it thus demonstrated that water would act as a ready conductor in completing the electrical circuit, and almost immediately projectors were developing a plan for laying a submarine cable to France. This and the discovery of the use of ether as an anæsthetic in surgery—the first painless operation being performed on a patient under its influence by Mr. Liston in University College Hospital—were the chief practical achievements in science during a year which closed with anxious forebodings from Ireland and the Highlands of Scotland, where the scourge of famine was again smiting the people.
THE LAKES OF KILLARNEY.
CHAPTER XVI.
A DISTRESSFUL COUNTRY.
The Irish Crisis—Famine and Free Trade—Evictions and Imports—Fiscal Policy and Small Holdings—Shocking Scenes among the Irish People—The Mistake of the Government—Lord John Russell’s Relief Measure Rejected by his Colleagues—An Autumnal Cabinet Meeting—Opening of Parliament—The Queen and the Distress—The Remedial Measures of the Government—Rival Schemes of the Protectionists—Lord George Bentinck’s Railway Subsidies Bill—A Rival Ministerial Scheme—The Attack on the Bank Act of 1844—The Currency Controversy—Peel on a Convertible Currency—The Effect of the Railway Mania—Blaming the Bank—The Education Question—Opposition of Dissenters—Colonisation and Emigration—Lord Lincoln’s Motion—Is Emigration a Remedy for a Redundant Population?—The Cabinet and the Ten Hours Bill—Mr. Fielden’s Victory—Opposition of Manufacturers—Evading the Act—The Budget—The Queen and the Duchy of Lancaster—Lord Campbell and the Queen—A Famous Duchy Dinner—Privy Councillors at “High Jinks”—Death of Lord Bessborough—Lord Clarendon appointed Irish Viceroy—Death of O’Connell—Growing Weakness of the Cabinet—Prorogation of Parliament—Dissolution—The General Election—The State of Parties—Appalling Outrages in Ireland—Another Commercial Panic—Suspension of the Bank Act—The Queen and Sir Robert Peel—Parliament Summoned—A Coercion Bill for Ireland—Ireland and the Vatican—Lord Palmerston’s Correspondence with Lord Minto—Denunciations of the Queen’s Colleges—Projected Renewal of Diplomatic Relations with Rome—Lord Palmerston’s Objections—The Jews in Parliament—New Bishops—The Hampden Controversy—Baffled Heresy-hunters.
Distress is the word that sums up the life of the nation during 1847. If there be any inadequacy in the summary, it may be made good by the addition to it of—sectarian bigotry. Famine in Ireland, two commercial panics in England, religious controversies of the narrowest and most paltry character, and over all, the wind of Socialism moaning bodefully—there, in a sentence, we have a picture of this melancholy year. It will spot black in English history as the year of the Great Irish Famine. Whether Free Trade did or did not aggravate the distress in Ireland will always be a moot point with writers and historians who are partisans. The Protectionists warned Parliament that Free Trade would bring hard times to the rural poor in Ireland, and in 1847 they began to take credit for being good prophets, for it was
GLENDALOUGH VALLEY, CO. WICKLOW—VIEW IN GLENDALOUGH.
not only famine that had to be dealt with in that country; it was famine plus pauperism and pestilence.
Looking back at the condition of affairs that obtained in Ireland in 1847, one is surprised that statesmen did not foresee what was coming. Irish industries, with the exception of the manufacture of linen, had been crushed by the commercial policy of England. It was not till 1825, a quarter of a century after the Union, that a true commercial union between Ireland and Great Britain was effected, and absolute Free Trade was established between the two countries. By that time English industries had got a great start, and when Free Trade was conceded to Ireland, she was no longer fit to compete with England, even in the industries that were indigenous to her soil. But as her wealth was chiefly agricultural, in husbandry, at all events, she might have been expected to hold her own. The high prices that followed the wars with France made Irish farmers, large and small, both rich and prosperous. But in 1815 the piping times of peace brought ruin to many of them. The fall in prices tempted the tenants to demand more land, so that, by carrying on tillage on a larger scale, they might be able to hold the market. This logically led to consolidation of holdings, which, in turn, led to evictions, agrarian outrage, and crime.
In one respect, however, the position of Ireland was safeguarded. The Corn Laws, which imposed a prohibitory duty on foreign grain, allowed Irish corn to enter the English market freely. Corn was therefore largely grown in Ireland under Protection. But when Protection was abandoned, Irish, farmers lost the only prop they had—the tariff which left them profits in excess of rent. The effect of Free Trade in Ireland was naturally to reduce prices. It therefore did not pay after 1846 to grow corn in Ireland, and the alternative crop was cattle. But the rearing of cattle is best managed on a large scale and on large farms. Hence a movement in Ireland was set on foot for further consolidation of holdings—a movement, in other words, for a fresh policy of eviction that brought outrage in its train. Mr. Jephson has shown that “the adoption by Great Britain of free importation of food supplies from any part of the world must have revolutionised Irish agriculture and vitally affected the circumstances of the Irish, and it is not on the political connection between the two countries (which the Nationalists are now trying to break), but it is on the economic dependence of Ireland on England (which is unbreakable) that must be thrown the responsibility.”65 A very curious and instructive table of figures might be drawn up to prove this point:—
Agricultural Holdings in Ireland.
| Year. | Above One Acre to Five Acres. | Above Five Acres to Fifteen Acres. | Above Fifteen Acres to Thirty Acres. | Above Thirty Acres. |
| 1841 | 310,436 | 252,800 | 79,342 | 40,625 |
| 1851 | 88,083 | 191,854 | 141,311 | 149,090 |
| 1861 | 85,469 | 183,931 | 141,251 | 157,833 |
| 1871 | 74,809 | 171,383 | 138,647 | 159,303 |
| 1881 | 67,071 | 164,045 | 135,793 | 159,834 |
Thus it is seen that since Free Trade was adopted, small holdings in Ireland have been diminishing, whereas large holdings have been increasing; and that would be in favour of Lord George Bentinck’s