chapter focuses chiefly on public and democratic forms of accountability, specifically as they pertain to the role played by actors in network governance and political problems stemming from accountability deficits. In doing so, he explains why decentralization and, increasingly, the lack of political authority in the market system generate problems for the quality of democracy in federated systems. These problems are caused by a lack of democratic accountability in the governance structure, stemming from four properties of network governance: Weak network visibility and uncoupling, leading to often informal and opaque decision-making processes; policy networks composed of actors only indirectly accountable to citizens and operating in isolation from democratic institutions; MLG, which can lead to fragmentation and compromise cooperation and (therefore) accountability; and the tendency towards peer accountability in networks, with the results that actors are primarily accountable to peer groups as opposed to the public. These network forms of governance, he suggests, give rise to a variety of problems related to accountability. Papadopoulos concludes by proposing a decision-making model for addressing accountability deficits through the use of institutional mechanisms.
Alain-G. Gagnon looks at how the concept of MLG redefines the political space. As our world grows increasingly heterogeneous, both on a societal and ideological level, theoretical frameworks used to conceptualize the space must take into account this diversity. This serves as the departure point for Gagnon’s argument whereby multinational federalism reflects the changing societal and political structures of our time. Gagnon cites Canada’s linguistic and cultural [20] diversity as an example of how the central government’s will can play a part in tensions between different cultural groups and thus erode the spirit of multinational federalism. While the multilevel approach highlights the role of sometimes overlooked actors and their contribution to government programs and policies, Gagnon notes that it fails to take into account their decision-making objectives, nor does it account for the dual pillars of federalism, namely the focus on the common populace and issues of governmental autonomy. In short, Gagnon suggests that the shortcomings of the multilevel approach serve to undermine democratic practices, making it particularly problematic as a framework for analyzing diverse national settings. In the belief that this approach ignores such issues as social structure, Gagnon notes that the multilevel approach is useful for analyzing efficacy and the economy in homogenous state structures, which he believes are rare in the modern world. Federalism, he argues, is capable of addressing these complexities.
II
Section 2 places the issue of trust-mistrust in institutions at the heart of the analysis, with Spain and Canada cited as the main examples. Francisco Llera Ramo explores the rise and fall of institutional trust in Spain using data from public surveys to emphasize that distrust and discontent with the political system, coupled with the erosion of institutional trust, could prove catastrophic for the functioning of the Spanish constitution. While Spain is in the midst of its longest-running period of constitutional democracy, public satisfaction with democracy and EU membership has been in decline since 2004, he notes. This mounting dissatisfaction may be partly attributed to the global financial crisis of 2007, he argues, adding that globalization is changing our democracies and the relationship between economy and politics, with citizens and parliaments becoming more and more distant from decision-making centres. This prolonged economic crisis has revealed deep and long-standing political cleavages in the Spanish system, contributing to public distrust and discontent with political parties and institutions. And while Spaniards have grown increasingly disaffected with politics, argues Francisco Llera Ramo, they also consider themselves to be well-informed politically. Despite this, Spanish protests have done little except to highlight discontent, with little or nothing in the way of concessions coming from political parties. This situation, if allowed to continue, could negatively impact Spain’s constitutional system, he predicts, adversely affecting the relationship between its citizenry and politics.
Guy Laforest and Camille Brunelle-Hamann bring their attention to bear to the Canadian case and the relationship between the federal government and the [21] provinces, more specifically Québec. The trust-mistrust scale is applied to highlight the collaborative-competitive nature of intergovernmental relations in Canada. Acknowledging that trust is dynamic and changes according to historical and political circumstances, Laforest and Brunelle-Hamann analyze the evolving relationship between the former Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper and Québec, drawing important lessons on the value of trust in federal democracies. Using John Locke’s conceptualization of trust as consequential and revisable, Laforest and Brunelle-Hamann map the changes in Harper’s perception and distrust of Québec from his politically formative years up to the present day, dividing this period into three sections. Harper’s distrust of Québec began when he first joined the Reform Party in the late 1980s, they argue, and continued as Québec’s increasingly statist and interventionist political culture flourished. This reality, paired with language issues inside and outside Québec, contradicted Harper’s Hayekian conservative opposition to State intervention in economic and social affairs. And though Harper’s understanding of federalism included independent provinces and rampant decentralization, Laforest and Brunelle-Hamann note that any special status given to Québec would run counter to his vision of a Canada marked by individual, provincial and regional equality united under Canadian law. Harper’s distrust is portrayed as deep-seated and almost unwavering, yet it is worth noting that the years preceding his election as Prime Minister were marked by increased, albeit short-lived cooperation between Harper and Québec. Laforest and Brunelle-Hamann cite the example of Québec, in both an historical and present-day context, to highlight the importance, among elected leaders, of keeping promises and – in the case of Harper – the need to engage in open communication and display solidarity with provincial leaders. Finally, they conclude with a comparative perspective, stating that this type of relationship is not unique to Canada but can also be applied to the 2011 general election in Spain, where elected officials faced similar circumstances.
III
In Part 3, the new international role of the substate entity is analyzed, together with the development of a new form of paradiplomacy. With a focus on the international role of substate entities, David Criekemans presents the concept of multilevel diplomacy, examining the evolution of substate diplomacy in regions with legislative powers, specifically the character of foreign policy and representation across a number of regions and small states, including Flanders, Wallonia, Scotland, Bavaria, Catalonia, Québec, Luxembourg and Slovenia. There is a visible dilution of boundaries between diplomacy – which is [22] generated by states – and paradiplomacy (the foreign policy of non-central governments), which is generated by regions with legislative powers. Substate diplomacy can be viewed in different waves, the first of which, in the 1980s, was characterized by an increase in the number of non-central actors attracting foreign investment on their own initiative, and the second, in the 1990s, which was marked by the creation of judicially grounded instruments for the diplomatic activities in certain substate entities in Europe. Criekemans purposes a third wave in substate diplomacy, characterized by increasing verticalization in the organizational structure of foreign affairs, the pursuit of geopolitical and functional priorities, and the wish to integrate substate foreign policy into a well-performing whole. Globalization has generated conditions that challenge the hierarchy of state-centred approaches, with the rise of autonomous substate actors, each with their own self-directed interests. Substate diplomacy is thus a burgeoning field of research. Criekemans offers a detailed examination of foreign policy and what it means to regions with legislative powers, the instruments used to pursue it, and how it affects intergovernmental relations in external affairs as well as representation abroad. He concludes by highlighting the ambiguity of substate diplomacy – specifically this third wave of paradiplomacy – and musing about whether it will lead to a multilevel diplomacy of interactions between central and regional policy levels. At the same time, he emphasizes the need to institutionalize these relations and support them through formal and informal ties.
Stéphane Paquin analyzes trade negotiations involving substate entities. Citing the recent trade agreement between Canada and Europe, Paquin makes the case for a multilevel approach to understanding international trade treaties through his Canadian case study. Noting that the end of the Second World War witnessed a rise in international multilateralism and trade agreements