Lee G. Bolman

Reframing Organizations


Скачать книгу

lament spending time talking to insurance representatives that would be better spent seeing patients. Insurance providers sometimes deny treatments that physicians see as urgent. In one case, a hospital‐based psychologist diagnosed an adolescent as likely to commit sexual assault. The insurer questioned the diagnosis and denied hospitalization. The next day, the teenager raped a 5‐year‐old girl.

      Goal‐less Versus Goal‐bound

      In some situations, few people know what the goals are. In others, people cling intently to targets long after they have become irrelevant or outmoded, like the Japanese soldiers who hid on islands in the Pacific for decades after World War II, unaware that the war had been over since 1945. Conversely, the Salk vaccine virtually eradicated polio in the 1960s. This lauded medical breakthrough also brought to an end the existing strategy of the March of Dimes organization, which for years had championed finding a cure for the crippling disease. The organization rebounded by shifting its strategy to focus on preventing birth defects.

      Irresponsible Versus Unresponsive

      If people abdicate their responsibilities, performance suffers. However, adhering too rigidly to policies or procedures can be equally harmful. In public agencies, “street‐level bureaucrats” (Lipsky, 1980), who deal with the public, are often asked, “Could you do me this small favor?” or “Couldn't you bend the rules a little bit in this case?” Turning down every request, no matter how reasonable, alienates the public and perpetuates images of bureaucratic rigidity and red tape. But agency workers who are too accommodating create nagging problems of inconsistency and favoritism.

      Greatest Hits from Organization Studies

      Hit Number 5: Michael C. Jensen and William H. Meckling, “Theory of the Firm: Managerial Behavior, Agency Costs, and Ownership Structure,” Journal of Financial Economics 3 (1976), 305–360.

      This classic article, fifth on our list of works most often cited by scholars, focuses on two central questions:

       What are the implications of the “agency problem”—that is, the conflicts of interest between principals and their agents?

       Given those conflicts, why do corporations even exist?

      An agency relationship is a structural arrangement created whenever one party engages another to perform a task. Jensen and Meckling's particular focus is the relationship between a corporation's owners (shareholders) and their agents, the managers. Principals and agents both seek to maximize their own interests (utility in economics‐speak), but their respective interests often diverge. If you are a sole proprietor, a dollar of the firm's money is a dollar of yours as well. But if you are an employee with no ownership interest, you're spending someone else's money when you pad your expense account or schedule a business meeting at an expensive resort.

      One rationale for linking executive compensation to the price of the company's stock is that it may reduce the agency problem, but the impact is often marginal at best. A notorious example is Tyco's chief executive, Dennis Kozlowski, who reportedly spent more than $30 million of company money to buy, furnish, and decorate his palatial apartment in New York City (Sorkin, 2002). Nonexecutive shareholders hate this kind of thing, but it is difficult for them to stay abreast of everything management does, and they can't do it without incurring “monitoring costs”—time and money spent on endeavors like supervision and auditing.

      One implication the authors draw is that the primary value of stock analysts is their sentinel function. Their ability to pick stocks is notoriously poor, but their oversight puts heat on managers to serve shareholder interests. The article also concludes that, despite agency conflicts, the corporate form still makes economic sense—managers cost more than owners wish, but they still earn their keep.

      The agency problem is a persistent feature of cooperative activity. Relationships between a team and individual members, or between a boss and a subordinate, is like that between principal and agent. If members of a team share rewards equally, for example, there is an incentive for “free riders” to let someone else do most of the work. Principals face a perennial problem of keeping agents in line and on task.

      Mintzberg's Fives

Schematic illustration of Mintzberg's Model.

      Source: Mintzberg (1979, p. 20). Copyright ©1979. Reprinted by permission of Prentice Hall, Upper Saddle River, NJ.

      At the base of Mintzberg's image is the operating core, consisting of workers (agents) who produce or provide products or services directly to customers or clients: teachers in schools, assembly‐line workers in factories, physicians and nurses in hospitals, and flight crews in airlines.

      Two more components sit alongside the administrative component. The technostructure houses specialists, technicians, and analysts who standardize, measure, and inspect outputs and procedures. Accounting and quality control departments in industry, audit departments in government agencies, and flight standards departments in airlines perform such functions.

      The support staff performs tasks that support or facilitate the work of others throughout the organization. In schools, for example, the support staff includes nurses, secretaries, custodians, food service workers, and bus drivers. These people often wield influence far greater than their station might suggest.

      From this basic blueprint, Mintzberg (1979) derived five structural configurations: simple structure, machine bureaucracy, professional bureaucracy, divisionalized form, and adhocracy. Each creates its unique set of management challenges.

      Simple Structure

      New businesses typically begin as simple structures, with only two levels: the strategic apex and an operating level. Coordination is accomplished primarily through direct