This was agreed and by nightfall the two regiments had been landed without resistance.
Overwhelming force, or at least the perception of it, must presumably have determined the Governor’s quick acquiescence to Beresford’s demand for it would seem that he was unclear regarding the arrangement made by his own government. He assumed perhaps that the occupation was to be of a similar nature to that of General Clinton in 1801, involving merely the taking over of military installations. It is not clear exactly when he realised that on this occasion the intent was to annex the island as a crown colony, but at the latest it would seem to have been following the landing of the troops. There was some delay in accepting the new situation, but within forty-eight hours the Governor had ceded both civil and military power by signing terms of capitulation on 26 December.
While the declared intention was to create a Crown Colony, with the British King enjoying ‘all the right and privileges and jurisdictions which heretofore belonged to the Crown of Portugal’, the Terms of Capitulation made it clear that the island ‘shall be evacuated and delivered’ to the Portuguese Crown ‘when the free ingress and egress to the Ports of Portugal and its colonies shall be re-established as heretofore; and when the sovereignty of Portugal shall be emancipated from the control or influence of France’. Thus there existed, at least on paper, an unequivocal statement that there was no intention to permanently annex Madeira. Instead the creation of a British colony may have been part of an elaborate charade designed not to imperil Portuguese neutrality by emphasising the forceful nature of British occupation. In the event, strategic considerations meant that the terms of capitulation were to be altered in a relatively short time, long before the liberation of Portugal.18
Beresford was now the Lieutenant-Governor of a crown colony and he installed himself in the palace of São Lourenço, at the same time procuring a private residence in the surrounding hills known as the Quinta da Achada, now the Quinta Jardins do Lago.19 The sovereignty of George III was proclaimed on 31 December. Beresford confirmed officials in the positions they had held previously subject to their taking the oath of allegiance.20 Beresford proceeded to act much as he had done in Buenos Aires with a view to securing local support. He guaranteed the safety of private property and the freedom to practice religion. Civil administration of the island under Beresford was vigorous as well as enlightened. He undertook a review of the island’s finances (it was a net contributor to the Portuguese State) and his report sent to Castlereagh at the end of January 1808 envisaged long-term occupation. He terminated the State monopolies on soap and tobacco trading; provided for the licensing of beggars and introduced a close season for the shooting of birds. He established a Court of Appeal on the island, since cases were no longer to be appealed to Portugal. In doing so he removed the existing Corregidor, Dom J.C. Pereira, from office, a move which was approved by the British government.21
French and Spanish citizens were sent to the Canary Islands. Beresford’s instructions provided for the sending of the Governor and the garrison of Funchal to Lisbon or Brazil and for the disarming of the militia (surrender with the honours of war, usually provided for those surrendering to march out with arms and to return home or at least leave the location of surrender). This was effectively part of the charade of military conquest. However, he deemed his orders to repatriate soldiers to Lisbon undesirable given that city was now occupied by the French; and given that the Portuguese court had made good its escape from French influence he determined to keep the regiment of Portuguese artillery on the island, pending further instructions, on the basis that it would assist with its defence and its maintenance would avoid creating disquiet.22
On finding that even the regular Portuguese regiments on the island were largely made up of islanders, and observing that the disarming of the local militia would cause discontent and be at odds with the policy of friendly cooperation that he was striving to implement, he sought to incorporate part of these forces in the defence of the island of Madeira. He took the precaution of storing the arms of the militia in Funchal in the fort of St Jago but military expediency presumably led to his decision to permit the militia in the outlying districts to keep their arms.23 In disregarding his instructions to repatriate trained soldiers, Beresford showed an understanding and feel for the situation on the ground as well as a degree of confidence in his own judgment. Beresford’s policy of working with the Portuguese in Madeira may have made him all the more acceptable as the appointee to reform the Portuguese army in 1809. He reported to Castlereagh that when the people of Madeira had discovered the British came as sole rulers of the island there was ‘a little sensation and fermentation’ but that it had soon subsided.24
The British troops were billeted for the most part in two monasteries, the Incarnation and the Jesuit College. This was in accordance with Portuguese custom and caused no difficulties. Indeed, not only did Beresford first obtain the permission of the Bishop of Funchal but he ensured the religious orders were financially compensated for this arrangement, a move which was unusual at the time. Further, he ensured that the payment of the troops was a burden on the British treasury and provisions for his force were purchased rather than plundered. Food was in short supply in January because the victuallers to the fleet had not appeared, but Hood ordered the landing of such supplies as the transports with the fleet could spare.25 Meat was brought in from the Azores and other provisions from Africa.26 However, medicines had to be sought from England as due to the speed of departure a considerable amount had been left at Portsmouth. Here, as throughout the Peninsula, British policy directing payment for provisions was in marked contrast to that of the French, which required its armies to live off the land.
The defences of the island, while they had been improved by the Governor prior to Beresford’s arrival, he found to be inadequate. This was particularly the case with the artillery (a common problem for the British in Portugal) which Beresford described as ‘unserviceable and much more dangerous to those that fire them than those they may be fired at’. Beresford told Castlereagh that if the island was to be properly defended guns must be sent from England.27
British policy, however, was undergoing change within weeks of Beresford’s arrival in Madeira. Britain was highly desirous of obtaining the right to trade directly with Brazil, a privilege previously reserved to Portugal, and the Portuguese made their agreement to granting such a right conditional on the ending of British sovereignty over Madeira. In mid February, Beresford was informed by Castlereagh that the emigration of the Portuguese court had materially changed the circumstances under which orders had been given to occupy the island and accordingly it had been resolved to adopt a system which would ‘remove suspicion from the Portuguese government that we occupy the island with any other view than to preserve the sovereignty of the Crown’.28 Accordingly the civil government would be returned to Portugal while the military command would remain with Britain which would be responsible for the defence of the island.
On 1 March 1808, Castlereagh wrote to Beresford formally informing him of the plan to return Madeira to the Regent, and this was announced on 26 March.29 The island’s former Governor was reinstated on 24 April just four moths after Beresford had landed at Funchal. Writing that day to Castlereagh, Beresford was able to inform him that he and the Portuguese governor enjoyed the ‘best of friendly relations’.30 However, the restoration of Portuguese authority led to the rescission of many of Beresford’s civil reforms.
Beresford, promoted to the rank of Major General in March 1808, was clearly hungry for action and very concerned that he would miss out in the enduring conflict with France.31 Shorn of his civil powers in Madeira he repeatedly sought a transfer from the island and was delighted when notified by letter of 16 July that he should transfer to Portugal. He was directed to take with him the 3rd regiment together with one company of artillery. If the British army was not employed there or in Spain, his orders were to proceed to Gibraltar.32 Beresford left the island on HMS Undaunted on 23 August for Portugal. His successor in Madeira was General Meade, and henceforth the British role in Madeira was confined to a military one. While the military occupation of Madeira did not end until 1814, it is noteworthy that the quality and number of the troops sent there was reduced. Not only was the 3rd Regiment sent to Portugal with Beresford in the summer of 1808, but the 11th Regiment was subsequently replaced by a regiment of veterans. This attitude probably reflected an assessment by the British government that French intervention was extremely unlikely due to maritime weakness.
The British citizens on the