press. Jewish testimony is often marked by trauma and Ukrainian testimony by evasion. All sources need to be treated with care. Some sources, moreover, have imbedded problems as products of criminal practices: German documents and photographs are components of the atrocities they report on, and Soviet interrogations have their origins in torture. Questions around sources are not simple, but it is hoped that this survey has armed the reader with sufficient understanding to make reasonable judgments about the utility and reliability of the various sources and about the historical processes which they reflect.
1 There is actually a wonderful finding aid prepared along these lines: Berkhoff, “Ukraine under Nazi Rule.”
2 Ilnytzkyj, Deutschland und die Ukraine 1934-1945.
3 Armstrong, Ukrainian Nationalism, 39 n. 29.
4 Friedman, Philip. “Ukrainian-Jewish Relations,” 181, 196 n. 15. EM, no. 126, 27 October 1941; translation from Einsatzgruppen Reports, 210.
5 OUN v svitli postanov.
6 See below, 163, 165, 170-71, 225-26.
7 Berkhoff and Carynnyk, “The Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists,” 177 n. 30.
8 Zlochyny komunistychnoi Moskvy.
9 Yevhen Stakhiv has related that in December 1941 he passed on a letter from the leader of one faction of OUN, Stepan Bandera, who was then imprisoned by the Gestapo in Berlin, to the underground head of OUN-B in the Homeland, Mykola Lebed, instructing OUN not to antagonize the Germans and to try to repair relations with Germany. About forty years later, Stakhiv reminded Lebed, who was then the leader of the dviikari, of Bandera’s instructions, but Lebed claimed not to remember them. Again about five years later Stakhiv raised the subject with Lebed, and this time he allegedly answered: “Yes, I remember. But I didn’t want you to tell people about it. It is not necessary for history to know the truth.” Stakhiv, Kriz’ tiurmy, 99-100. Although this story does seem to characterize the dviikari’s attitude to history, I lack faith in Stakhiv’s reliability as a memoirist. The incident has been accepted as genuine, however, by Grzegorz Rossoliński-Liebe, “Ukrainian National Revolution,” 106; Stepan Bandera, 41.
10 Kurylo and Himka, “Iak OUN stavylasia do ievreiv,” 259.
11 http://resource.history.org.ua/cgi-bin/eiu/history.exe?&I21DBN=ELIB&P21DBN=ELIB&S21STN=1&S21REF=10&S21FMT=elib_all&C21COM=S&S21CNR=20&S21P01=0&S21P02=0&S21P03=ID=&S21STR=0013098, accessed 23 October 2018.
12 Berkhoff, Harvest of Despair, 287 and 428 n. 63.
13 See above, 31-38.
14 See above, 52.
15 Serhiichuk, OUN-UPA v roky viiny, 311-12.
16 Artizov, Ukrainskie natsionalisticheskie organizatsii.
17 There is a very interesting book on the RHSA: Wildt, An Uncompromising Generation.
18 Headland, Messages of Murder.
19 DALO, fond R12, op. 1.
20 For more context on this, see Himka, “Legislating Historical Truth.”
21 USHMM, Acc. 1995.A.1086, RG-31.001M.
22 I am grateful to David Alan Rich for sharing a copy of the militia files with me.
23 There are also regional SBU archives that I have not consulted, but the younger generation of Ukrainian historians (e.g., Marta Havryshko, Roman Shliakhtych, and Andrii Usach) has been making good use of them in their publications.
24 This problem is fleshed out more fully in Solonari, “Patterns of Violence,” 54-55.
25 Statiev, The Soviet Counterinsurgency, 247-48. We now have an excellent account of the methods used by the NKVD during the late 1930s in Soviet Ukraine based on NKVD interrogators’ own admissions of “violations of socialist legality”: Viola, Stalinist Perpetrators on Trial. See also a wrenching study of Stalinist interrogations in postwar Poland that was able to explore the issue more from prisoners’ perspectives: Chodakiewicz, “The Dialectics of Pain.”
26 This comes out very clearly in Viola, Stalinist Perpetrators on Trial.
27 Bohunov, Mytropolyt Andrei Sheptyts’kyi.
28 Dumitru, “Analysis.”
29 Solonari, “Patterns of Violence,” 54-55.
30 Prusin, “‘Fascist Criminals to the Gallows!’” 18.
31 Penter, “Local Collaborators on Trial,” 21. See also Penter, “Collaboration on Trial.”
32 Comments of Tanja Penter in Coleman, “Roundtable,” 235-37.
33 This is the same period in which the Soviets published the English-language tracts that appeared under the name Valerii Styrkul. See above, 42.