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A Companion to Hobbes


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used the method to investigate the areas of figures and volumes of solids, and specifically to establish ratios between pairs of such magnitudes. In the two-dimensional case, he first shows that a specific ratio holds between the indivisibles of two figures, and then concludes the areas stand in the same ratios as the indivisibles. As he put it

      When we want to find what ratio two plane figures or two solids have to one another, it is sufficient for us to find what ratio all of the lines of the figure stand in (and in the case of solids, what ratio holds between all of the planes), relative to a given regula, which I lay as the great foundation of my new geometry.

      (1635, 115)

      This procedure leads to the theorem now known as “Cavalieri’s Principle”: if two figures have equal altitudes and sections made by lines parallel to the bases at equal distances are always in a given ratio, then the areas of the figures stand in the same ratio.

      For his part, Hobbes approved of Cavalieri’s method while dismissing Wallis’s approach as incoherent. In particular, he interpreted Cavalier’s notion of “all the lines” in a figure as consistent with his own principle that lines are not breadthless, but rather have a (negligible) breadth that is disregarded in a demonstration. On this interpretation, surfaces are literally composed of finite collections of lines, and Cavalieri’s method is fully consistent with the Hobbesian approach to geometry. It is in this sense that Hobbes could insist in Examinatio Dialogue 2 that:

      Those things which can exceed one another when multiplied are homogeneous, and these are measurable by a measure of the same kind, as lengths are measurable by lengths, surfaces by surfaces, and solids by solids. However, things heterogeneous are measured by different kinds of measures. Nevertheless, if lines are considered as the most minute parallelograms, as they are considered by those who use the method of demonstration Bonaventura Cavalieri uses in the doctrine of indivisibles, then there will be a ratio between a right line and a plane surface. And indeed such lines, when multiplied, can exceed any given finite plane surface.

      (OL IV.75)

      Hobbes insisted that Wallis had failed to understand Cavalieri’s method, and by taking it to require infinite sums of infinitesimal elements he had rendered it incoherent. According to Hobbes in Lux chapter 3, Wallis

      supposes two principles; the first is one that (so he says) comes from Cavalieri, namely this: “that any continuous quantity consists of an infinite number of indivisibles”, or of an infinity of infinitely small parts. Although I, having read Cavalieri’s book, remember nothing of this opinion in it, neither as an axiom, nor a definition, nor a proposition. For it is false. A continuous quantity is always by its nature divisible into parts: nor can there be anything infinitely small, unless there were given a division into nothing.

      (OL V.109)

      3.2 The Dispute with Wallis

      Although the exchange of polemics centered on mathematics, it would be a mistake to think that other factors were absent, as questions of politics and religion (along with fine points of grammar and philology) were raised and debated in the course of the dispute. I propose to recount its origins briefly, and then examine the “method of motion” that Hobbes thought would solve all geometric problems.

      3.2.1 Origins of the Dispute

      Although the 1655 publication of De corpore can be taken as the controversy’s precipitating event, Hobbes had earned Wallis’s enmity years earlier. The appearance of Leviathan in 1651 made Hobbes a notorious figure in the English “republic of letters,” and Wallis was one of many who was outraged by its materialism, anticlericalism, unorthodoxy, and political theory (Parkin 2010, chapters 2–3). Of particular concern to Wallis (and his Oxford colleague Seth Ward) was Hobbes’s hostility to the universities, which Leviathan portrayed as intellectual backwaters thoroughly beholden to the authority of Aristotle and home to ambitious churchmen and lawyers who sought to undermine sovereign power (Serjeanston 2006). Matters came to a head in 1653 when several Puritan radicals published tracts attacking the English universities and Parliament entertained a bill to disband them.

      Geometry hath now so much place in the Universities, that when Mr. Hobbs shall have published his Philosophicall and Geometricall Pieces, I assure my selfe, I am able to find a great number in the University, who will understand as much or more of them then he desires they should, indeed too much to keep up in them that Admiration of him which only will content him.

      In the course of events these taunts proved effective and moved Hobbes to include a circle quadrature in chapter XX of De corpore. The haste with which Hobbes produced this quadrature resulted in his having to revise it at least twice even as De corpore was being printed. In the end, what he had announced as an exact solution to the ancient problem was mournfully downgraded to no more than an approximation that was stated “problematically” rather than demonstratively (Jesseph 1999, 120–5).

      Wallis’s Elenchus Geometriæ Hobbianæ appeared only a few months after De corpore and took issue with the entirety of Hobbes’s geometrical enterprise. The evisceration of Hobbes’s circle quadrature was particularly harsh. Having procured an unbound copy of the first impression of De corpore, Wallis traced the sorry history of Hobbes’s hastily revised efforts in a way that portrayed the philosopher from Malmesbury as a mathematical incompetent whose failed demonstrations