George Ritzer

Globalization


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will be in impeding that which is liquid, light, or weightless.

      The most obvious of such structures are the borders (Jones and Johnson 2016; Wastl-Walter 2012) between nation-states and the fact that in recent years we have witnessed the strengthening (heightening, lengthening, etc.) of many of those borders. Similarly, several governments (e.g. China, Russia) have sought to restrict the access of its citizens to at least some aspects of the Internet that those governments feel are dangerous to their continued rule. In the case of China, the electronic barrier that the government has constructed is known as the “Great Firewall.” (A firewall is a barrier on the Internet; the idea of the “Great Firewall” plays off China’s Great Wall.)

      The huge “digital divide” in the world today (Cruz-Jesus et al. 2018; Drori 2012), especially between developed and developing countries (or the North and South), is another example of a barrier. Developing countries have fewer computers and the supporting infrastructure (cellular and broadband connections) needed for a computerized world, which creates an enormous barrier relative to wealthier countries. In terms of computerization, the world may be increasingly flat (although certainly not totally flat) among and between developed countries in the North, but it has many hills in the developing countries and huge and seemingly insurmountable mountain ranges continue to separate the North from the South.

      The history of the social world and social thought and research leads us to the conclusion that people, as well as their representatives in the areas in which they live, have always sought to erect structural barriers to protect and advance themselves, and to adversely affect others, and it seems highly likely that they will continue to do so. Thus, we may live in a more liquefied, more weightless, world, but we do not live in a flat world and are not likely to live in one any time soon, if ever. Even a successful capitalist, George Soros, acknowledges this, using yet another metaphor, in his analysis of economic globalization when he argues: “The global capitalist system has produced a very uneven playing field” (Soros 2000: xix, italics added).

      we will examine the materiality of the global. This refers to the material practices – infrastructure, institutions, regulatory mechanisms, governmental strategies, and so forth – that both produce and preclude movement. The objective here is to suggest that global flows are patently structured and regulated, such that while certain objects and subjects are permitted to travel, others are not. Immobility and exclusion are thus as much a part of globalization as movement.

      For example, there are various “routes” or “paths” that can be seen as structures that serve to both expedite flows along their length, as well as to limit flows that occur outside their confines.

       Intercontinental airlines generally fly a limited number of well-defined routes (say between New Delhi and London) rather than flying whatever route the pilots wish and thereby greatly increasing the possibility of mid-air collisions (see Figure 1.1 for some of the major global airline routes).

       Undocumented immigrants from Mexico have, at least until recently, generally followed a relatively small number of well-worn paths into the US. Indeed, they often need to pay smugglers large sums of money and the smugglers generally follow the routes that have worked for them (and others) in the past.

       Goods of all sorts are generally involved in rather well-defined “global value chains” (see Chapter 7 for a discussion of this concept) as they are exported from some countries and imported into others.

       Illegal products – e.g. counterfeit drugs – follow oft-trod paths en route from their point of manufacture (often China), through loosely controlled free-trade zones (e.g. in Dubai), through several intermediate countries, to their ultimate destination, often the US, where they are frequently obtained over the Internet (Maddox et al. 2016).

      Figure 1.1 Airline passenger volume. Air travel, the dominant mode of international passenger transportation, was once limited to the wealthy and those traveling for business. With increased competition, lower fares, and a growing global economy, air travel has boomed over the last 40 years. Air traffic is concentrated in the Northern Hemisphere between Europe and North America, with increasing volume to East Asia. Martingrandjean.ch. Licensed under CC BY-SA 3.0

      It is also the case that an increasing number of people, perhaps nearly everyone, is involved in, and affected by, global relations and flows and personally participate in global networks (Axford 2012; Singh Grewal 2008) of one kind or another (networks of communication and information technology, interpersonal networks involving individuals and groups, having to alter their lives as result of flows of COVID-19). While global networks span the globe (e.g. cables under the oceans that permit transoceanic communication [Yuan 2006: A1]), or at least much of it, there are other types of networks including transnational (those that pass through the boundaries of nation-states [Portes 2001]), international (those that involve two or more nation-states), national (those that are bounded by the nation-state), and local (those that exist at the sub-national level) (Mann 2007). Networks can expedite the flow of innumerable things, but they are perhaps best-suited to the flow of information (Connell and Crawford 2005). People involved in networks can communicate all sorts of information to one another in various ways – phone calls, snail-mail,