opinions of which they did not approve. It was not until the end of the seventeenth century, when scientific discovery started to undermine the defences of a world built on religious foundations, that rational thought burst into the explosion of ideas we call the Enlightenment. From that time on concepts of freedom that we would recognise today came into being. Modern political thought has its beginnings in the philosophers of the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
This section of the book picks its way through this process beginning with the slave rebellion against the Roman Republic led by Spartacus in 73 BC. Its bravery and brilliance have been an inspiration for many of those fighting for freedom ever since. Jan Hus, a Czech who was burned at the stake for his religious beliefs in Constance, Germany, in 1415 was one of the first great leaders of opposition to the Catholic Church in the Middle Ages, and is still regarded as a national hero in his own country. The American Declaration of Independence of 1776 and the French Revolution that began in 1789 were two of the greatest upheavals in world history. The first led to the creation of a great democracy while the other’s high ideals were drowned in blood and resulted in Napoleonic dictatorship. The concept of individual freedom is arguably nowhere better expressed than in the works of Beethoven, whose music embodies the Romantic movement. The Zulu War of 1879 was an unsuccessful fight for liberty against the oppressive power of the British Empire; in Russia in 1917 the Bolshevik Revolution overthrew the monarchy of the Romanovs, promising liberation but building a terrifying Communist monolith instead; and in 1949 Mao Zedong became the Communist leader of China and began the ruthless control of his nation that would begin its transformation into a great world power. But in Europe the power of Communism fell into decline, its end signalled by the collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989. A year later, the greatest African leader of the twentieth century, Nelson Mandela, was released from prison. The oppression of apartheid ended as he began the leadership of his country to black majority rule.
Each of these events can be seen as stepping stones to freedom. Together they provide a series of points from which we can look forward and back at man’s attempts to make himself free. But a series of attempts is all they are. On the whole man’s freedom remains something he desires rather than something he has found.
Spartacus was a Roman slave and gladiator who led a rebellion against his Roman masters. He won a number of victories before being killed in battle. Since the eighteenth century his name has been used to evoke the idea of freedom.
In Paris in 1760 a five-act tragedy called Spartacus by the lawyer and playwright Bernard-Joseph Saurin was a great popular success when it appeared at the Comédie-Française. Exactly two hundred years later, a Hollywood movie with the same title starring Kirk Douglas brought the Spartacus story to the worldwide cinema audience. The French philosopher Voltaire described the Spartacus rebellion as ‘the only just war in history’ and Karl Marx chose him as one of his heroes, calling him ‘one of the best characters in the whole of ancient history’. Lenin also described him as ‘one of the most outstanding heroes of one of the very greatest slave insurrections’, while the Communist revolutionaries in Germany during and after the First World War took the name of Spartacus as their inspiration and called themselves ‘Spartacists’. From the time of his death in battle in 71 bc until the eighteenth century, Spartacus was little more than one of history’s footnotes. But as ideas of individual liberty took hold, the Western world looked back to ancient Rome. In Spartacus it found the symbol of freedom it was looking for.
Slavery is as old as man.
Slavery is as old as man. In the ancient world slaves were valued in the same way as domestic animals and treated as such. The Greek philosopher Aristotle said that both slaves and animals were necessary for providing help in daily life. ‘It is clear,’ he said, ‘that there are certain people who are free and certain who are slaves by nature, and it is both to their advantage, and just for them, to be slaves.’ There are frequent references to slaves and slavery in the Old Testament; and many pre-colonial African countries operated systems of slavery, as did China, the countries of the Indian subcontinent and Southeast Asia. Different societies had different forms of slavery and different attitudes towards it as well. But all of them had one thing in common: slaves were human beings. They had a natural sense of freedom, and would always try to escape or rebel. Even though they might sometimes be well treated, the oppressive fact of their servitude was a constant burden. They knew that any freedoms and privileges they might enjoy could be taken away from them in an instant. They had no free will and no basic human rights.
The only way in which any such system can be maintained is through brutality. The achievements of classical antiquity may be inspiring but they were built upon a society that depended on the violence and human indignities of slavery. This acceptance of something that today we find abhorrent was regarded in the ancient world as perfectly appropriate, although in the early sixth century AD the legal code of the Eastern Roman Emperor, Justinian, recognised this conflict between the institution of slavery and its human effects. Slavery, it said, was contrary to the law of nature but was sanctioned as a legal activity.
Much later, when most European countries had in their own countries abandoned not only slavery, but its successor serfdom too, some of them adopted it again in order to support their colonial conquests. Once they had grown used to it, they found it almost impossible to relinquish it. Even the founding fathers of the American nation, some of the greatest apostles of liberty in the history of the modern world, could not face the issue of slavery when they devised the constitution of their new country. Their inability to do so contributed eventually to the American Civil War of the 1860s and the murderous battles that killed more than 600,000 people. In 1861, at the outset of the war, the State of Missouri gave its reasons for secession in a declaration. ‘Our position,’ it announced, ‘is thoroughly identified with the institution of slavery – the greatest material interest in the world. Its labour supplies the product which constitutes by far the largest and most important portions of commerce of the earth. These products have become necessities of the world, and a blow at slavery is a blow at commerce and civilisation.’ No Greek philosopher, no Roman senator or emperor, could have put it better. In Brazil, where the Portuguese introduced slavery to maintain their sugar plantations, slavery was not banned altogether until 1888, even though the country had been independent for sixty-six years. Two years earlier, Thomas Hardy published one of his most famous novels, The Mayor of Casterbridge, in which, in the opening scene, a man auctions his wife and daughter at a country fair. His description of the event was met with horror and incredulity in late Victorian Britain but Hardy claimed that rural records showed that such activities still occurred in the English county of Dorset where his story was set. Not slavery perhaps, but not far off. Once men inure themselves against the obvious injustices of slavery and defend its use for the economic advantages they believe it brings, humanity deserts them.
In Spartacus, the Western world found the symbol of freedom it was lookingfor.
The economy of the Roman Republic and early Empire depended on slavery. We do not know exactly how many slaves there were, but estimates suggest that they made up a third of a total population of about six million. The main way in which people became slaves was through capture in war although traders and pirates also played their part. Natural reproduction helped maintain the numbers: a child born to a female slave was automatically enslaved, no matter who the father might have been. Slavery knew no racial or national boundaries. Anyone could become one. Slave markets flourished in towns throughout the Roman world as people went shopping for the human labour they needed to look after their homes or work their fields. Slaves involved in heavy labour were rarely set free – that was a privilege afforded to the better educated, who worked in clerical or educational jobs. At no time was this system of forced labour questioned or criticised. It did not change with the advent of Christianity. The Romans inherited slavery from the Greeks and used it as an essential part of their organisational structure until the last days of the Empire.
Spartacus