James Boswell

THE LIFE OF SAMUEL JOHNSON - All 6 Volumes in One Edition


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says that being in London in 1746 he dined frequently with a club of officers, where they had an excellent dinner at ten-pence. From what he adds it is clear that the tavern-keeper made his profit on the wine. At Edinburgh, four years earlier, he and his fellow-students used to get ‘at four-pence a-head a very good dinner of broth and beef, and a roast and potatoes every day, with fish three or four times a-week, and all the small beer that was called for till the cloth was removed’ (ib. p. 63). W. Hutton, who in 1750 opened a very small book-shop in Birmingham, for which he paid rent at a shilling a week, says (Life of Hutton, p. 84): ‘Five shillings a week covered every expense; as food, rent, washing, lodging, &c.’ He knew how to live wretchedly.

      [307] On April 17, 1778, Johnson said: ‘Early in life I drank wine; for many years I drank none. I then for some years drank a great deal. I then had a severe illness, and left it off, and I have never begun it again.’ Somewhat the same account is given in Boswell’s Hebrides, Sept. 16, 1773. Roughly speaking, he seems to have been an abstainer from about 1736 to at least as late as 1757, and from about 1765 to the end of his life. In 1751 Hawkins (Life, p. 286) describes him as drinking only lemonade ‘in a whole night spent in festivity’ at the Ivy Lane Club. In 1757 he described himself ‘as a hardened and shameless tea-drinker, who has for twenty years diluted his meals with only tea’ (Johnson’s Works, vi. 21). It was, I believe, in his visit to Oxford in 1759 that ‘University College witnessed his drinking three bottles of port without being the worse for it’ (post, April 7, 1778). When he was living in the Temple (between 1760-65) he had the frisk with Langton and Beauclerk when they made a bowl of Bishop (post, 1753). On his birthday in 1760, he ‘resolved to drink less strong liquors’ (Pr. and Med. p. 42). In 1762 on his visit to Devonshire he drank three bottles of wine after supper. This was the only time Reynolds had seen him intoxicated. (Northcote’s Reynolds, ii. 161). In 1763 he affected Boswell’s nerves by keeping him up late to drink port with him (post, July 14, 1763). On April 21, 1764, he records: ‘From the beginning of this year I have in some measure forborne excess of strong drink’ (Pr. and Med. p. 51). On Easter Sunday he records: ‘Avoided wine’ (id. p. 55). On March 1, 1765, he is described at Cambridge as ‘giving Mrs. Macaulay for his toast, and drinking her in two bumpers.’ It was about this time that he had the severe illness (post, under Oct. 17, 1765, note). In Feb. 1766, Boswell found him no longer drinking wine. He shortly returned to it again; for on Aug. 2, 1767, he records, ‘I have for some days forborne wine;’ and on Aug. 17, ‘By abstinence from wine and suppers I obtained sudden and great relief’ (Pr. and Med. pp. 73, 4). According to Hawkins, Johnson said:—‘After a ten years’ forbearance of every fluid except tea and sherbet, I drank one glass of wine to the health of Sir Joshua Reynolds on the evening of the day on which he was knighted’ (Hawkins’s Johnson’s Works (1787), xi. 215). As Reynolds was knighted on April 21, 1769 (Taylor’s Reynolds, i. 321), Hawkins’s report is grossly inaccurate. In Boswell’s Hebrides, Sept. 16, 1773, and post, March 16, 1776, we find him abstaining. In 1778 he persuaded Boswell to be ‘a water-drinker upon trial’ (post, April 28, 1778). On April 7, 1779, ‘he was persuaded to drink one glass of claret that he might judge of it, not from recollection.’ On March 20, 1781, Boswell found that Johnson had lately returned to wine. ‘I drink it now sometimes,’ he said, ‘but not socially.’ He seems to have generally abstained however. On April 20, 1781, he would not join in drinking Lichfield ale. On March 17, 1782, he made some punch for himself, by which in the night he thought ‘both his breast and imagination disordered’ (Pr. and Med. p. 205). In the spring of this year Hannah More urged him to take a little wine. ‘I can’t drink a little, child,’ he answered; ‘therefore I never touch it’ (H. More’s Memoirs, i. 251). On July 1, 1784, Beattie, who met him at dinner, says, ‘he cannot be prevailed on to drink wine’ (Beattie’s Life, p. 316). On his death-bed he refused any ‘inebriating sustenance’ (post, Dec. 1784). It is remarkable that writing to Dr. Taylor on Aug. 5, 1773, he said:—‘Drink a great deal, and sleep heartily;’ and that on June 23, 1776, he again wrote to him:—‘I hope you presever in drinking. My opinion is that I have drunk too little, and therefore have the gout, for it is of my own acquisition, as neither my father had it nor my mother’ (Notes and Queries, 6th S. v. pp. 422, 3). On Sept. 19, 1777 (post), he even ‘owned that in his opinion a free use of wine did not shorten life.’ Johnson disapproved of fermented liquors only in the case of those who, like himself and Boswell, could not keep from excess.

      [308] Ofellus, or rather Ofella, is the ‘rusticus, abnormis sapiens, crassaque Minerva’ of Horace’s Satire, ii. 2. 3. What he teaches is briefly expressed in Pope’s Imitation, ii. 2. 1:

      ‘What, and how great, the virtue and the art

       To live on little with a cheerful heart

       (A doctrine sage, but truly none of mine);

       Let’s talk, my friends, but talk before we dine.’

      In 1769 was published a worthless poem called The Art of Living in London; in which ‘instructions were given to persons who live in a garret, and spend their evenings in an alehouse.’ Gent. Mag. xxxix. 45. To this Boswell refers.

      [309] ‘Johnson this day, when we were by ourselves, observed how common it was for people to talk from books; to retail the sentiments of others, and not their own; in short, to converse without any originality of thinking. He was pleased to say, “You and I do not talk from books.”’ Boswell’s Hebrides, Nov. 3, 1773.

      [310] The passage to Ireland was commonly made from Chester.

      [311] The honourable Henry Hervey, third son of the first Earl of Bristol, quitted the army and took orders. He married a sister of Sir Thomas Aston, by whom he got the Aston Estate, and assumed the name and arms of that family. Vide Collins’s Peerage. BOSWELL.

      [312] The following brief mention of Greenwich Park in 1750 is found in one of Miss Talbot’s Letters. ‘Then when I come to talk of Greenwich—Did you ever see it? It was quite a new world to me, and a very charming one. Only on the top of a most inaccessible hill in the park, just as we were arrived at a view that we had long been aiming at, a violent clap of thunder burst over our heads.’—Carter and Talbot Corres, i. 345.

      [313] At the Oxford Commemoration of 1733 Courayer returned thanks in his robes to the University for the honour it had done him two years before in presenting him with his degree. Dr. Johnson: His Friends and his Critics, p. 94.

      [314] This library was given by George IV to the British Museum. CROKER.

      [315] Ovid, Meta. iii. 724.

      [316] Act iii. sc. 8.

      [317] Act i. sc. 1.

      [318] Act ii. sc. 7.

      [319] Journal of a Tour to the Hebrides, 3rd edit. p. 232 [Sept. 20, 1773]. BOSWELL.

      [320] Johnson’s letter to her of Feb. 6, 1759, shows that she was, at that time, living in his house at Lichfield. Miss Seward (Letters, i. 116) says that ‘she boarded in Lichfield with his mother.’ Some passages in other of his letters (Croker’s Boswell, pp. 144, 145, 173) lead me to think that she stayed on in this house till 1766, when she had built herself a house with money left her by her brother.

      [321] See post, Oct. 10, 1779.

      [322] He could scarcely have solicited a worse manager. Horace Walpole writing in 1744 (Letters, i. 332) says: ‘The town has been trying all this winter to beat pantomimes off the stage very boisterously. Fleetwood, the master of Drury-Lane, has omitted nothing to support them as they supported his house. About ten days ago, he let into the pit great numbers of Bear-garden bruisers (that is the term) to knock down everybody that hissed. The pit rallied their forces and drove them out.’

      [323] It was not till volume v. that Cave’s name was given on the title-page. In volumes viii. and ix., and volumes xii. to xvii. the name is Edward Cave, Jun. Cave in his examination before the House of Lords on April 30, 1747, said:—‘That he was concerned in the Gentleman’s