events, and the blocking of social mobility. Numerous additional small non-linear causes were necessary for the apparent wave of populist neo-illiberal democracy. Therefore, this wave was evitable. It could have easily been otherwise and it may be reversed for similarly minute and non-linear causes.
The final chapter, “New Liberalism without Nostalgia,” proposes policy prescriptions. It is divided into three parts: first I propose measures for the preemption of populism; then, I suggest how to remove barriers to social mobility; finally, I suggest measures to strengthen liberal institutions. My policy recommendations are mostly “blue sky” or “loonshots,” and decidedly non-nostalgic. Unlike many political programs, I do not advocate a return to any “golden age.” I do not think the past was as great as nostalgia paints it, and I do not think it can be restored. Instead, I advocate the opposite of neo-illiberal democracy, new-liberal democracy. I outline what new liberalism may mean for the contemporary irreversibly globalized world, marked by syncretism more than universalism.
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