of Balbus and Oppius, to induce them to write on my behalf as zealously as possible. For I am being attacked, as I hear, both by certain persons who are with him and by letter. We must counteract them as vigorously as the importance of the matter demands. Fufius 41 is there, a very bitter enemy of mine. Quintus has sent his son not only to plead on his own behalf, but also to accuse me. He gives out that he is being assailed by me before Caesar, though Caesar himself and all his friends refute this. Indeed he never stops, wherever he is, heaping every kind of abuse upon me. Nothing has ever happened to me so much surpassing my worst expectations, nothing in these troubles that has given me so much pain. People who say that they heard them from his own lips, when he was publicly talking at Sicyon in the hearing of numerous persons, have reported some abominable things to me. You know his style, perhaps have even had personal experience of it : 42 well, it is all now turned upon me. But I increase my sorrow by mentioning it, and perhaps do the same to you. Wherefore I return to what I was saying: take care that Balbus sends someone expressly for this purpose. Pray have letters sent in my name to whom you choose. Good-bye.
25 December.
Footnotes:
1 See vol. i., p.92. This was the coinage in circulation throughout Asia Minor. See Head, "Hist. Numm.," pp. 461 ff.
2 His wife's freedman, Philotimus. I have translated Mueller's text minime credere me debere.
3 The second instalment of Tullia's dowry now becoming due to Dolabella. See pp. 8, 10.
4 For Caelius's quarrel with Appius, see vol. ii., pp.194, 195. He thinks that if Appius had been a Caesarian that would have made him turn Pompeian. But the reading is doubtful.
5 Reading Ariminum with Mueller. The MSS. have Arimino; Tyrrell and Purser read Arpino. But Caelius evidently refers to his going to join Caesar, and though we do not know otherwise of his having done so at Ariminum, this best accounts for his having been early employed by Caesar, as we know he was, vol. ii., p.298. His visit to Cicero would then be in the first week of January, and he would probably start for Ariminum before the news had come of the crossing of the Rubicon.
6 Trebonius and other Caesarians.
7 Caelius contrasts plebs and populus. Of course these terms no longer have the old political meaning; but plebs had come to be used as we use the "masses" for the lower orders generally; whereas populus was the whole body of the citizens as possessed of political power; and when contrasted with plebs may be taken to mean the whole body politic which formed the majority at the comitia—the mass of voters. Caelius tried to gain the latter by opposing the exaction of debts under arbitration, as arranged by Caesar, and by proposing a suspension of house rents.
8 The reading is very doubtful. The reference, perhaps, is to Gaius Cato, the turbulent tribune of B.C. 56.
9 Caelius seems to insinuate that Pompey's wisest course would be to avoid an engagement and to make again for Italy, where the Caesarians were weak. This is the last appearance of Caelius in the correspondence. The discontent with his position here indicated-founded on the fact that though he had been appointed praetor by Caesar's influence, Trebonius was praetor urbanus and in a superior position to himself-presently led him to take up a position of violent opposition, especially regard to Caesar's financial arrangements, the result of which was that he was forcibly suspended from his functions by the consul Servilius Isauricus. Finally, under pretence of going to Caesar at Alexandria, he attempted to join Milo in Apulia, who was trying to secure by force his own restoration, which had not been included in the revocation of other exiles. Milo, however, had already fallen; and when Caelius proceeded to raise forces on his own account, before he could do anything material, he was killed near Thurii by some foreign auxiliary soldiers, whom he attempted to win over. (Caes. B.C. 3.20-22; Dio Cass. 42.21.)
10 This refers to the lines, fifteen miles long, drawn by Caesar round Pompey's position on the bay of Dyrrachium. They were not, however, completed at the southern extremity, and shortly afterwards pierced them at this point, and inflicted a severe defeat upon Caesar.
11 Dowries were paid in three instalments (pensiones). The second instalment was due to Tullia's husband, Dolabella, on the 1st of July. A divorce, however, was already under discussion. If that were effected Cicero would not have to pay. He is divided in mind. If he paid, and Pompey's side won, he would wish for the divorce, and yet would have difficulty in recovering the money. If Caesar's side won, the rupture with the Caesarian Dolabella might be dangerous.
12 Pompey.
13 As well as to my profit.
14 See vol. i., p.164, and cp. sup. p. 4, for these vicarious letters.
15 Tullia.
16 Tullia. The property, perhaps, was assigned to her by way of dowry. See p. 3.
17 From Letter CCCCXXVI, it appears that Cicero had sold property at Frusino (on the via Latina), retaining the right to repurchase, which he now wished to do. See p.32.
18 The question of leaving Italy to join Pompey.
19 Atticus' father-in-law, Q. Pilius Celer. Of the property of Atticus in Epirus we have heard throughout the correspondence.
20 Mueller and others regard this as a separate letter, earlier in date than the previous part.
21 Pompey, whom however Cicero is careful not to name. This seems to be written after the successful piercing of Caesar's lines, during which Cicero, from ill-health, had left the camp for Dyrrachium.
22 Of Tullia's dowry. See p. 8.
23 There is still a possibility of the ultimate success of the Pompeians, who are mustered in great force in Africa. Pompey's son Gnaeus had threatened to kill Cicero at Corcyra, when he refused to go on with the war; and, if that party succeeded in the end, they would regard Cicero as having acted treasonably in returning to Italy. This was one of the "injuries"; another was the fact that his brother and nephew had turned against him, and, as he believed, were denouncing him to Caesar.
24 His leaving the Pompeian fleet and coming to Italy.
25 P. Servilius Vatia Isauricus, Caesar's colleague in the consulship. Basilus is L. Minucius Basilus, an officer of Caesar's, and afterwards one of his assassins.
26 Cicero's relations with P. Vatinius—though he had finally defended him at Pompey's request—had been so unfriendly, that Atticus had some reason for doubting how he would treat Cicero at Brundisium, where he was in command of some of Caesar's ships. (Caes. B. Alex. 47.)
27 I.e., to Asia or Alexandria, to make their peace with Caesar.
28 Apparently the expression of Caesar's wish to Dolabella, which he afterwards quotes in his own justification, does not seem to him sufficiently formal. See p.19.
29 Brundisium was in the hands of the Caesarians under Vatinius with ships and men.
30 The text of this sentence is very uncertain. I have followed Mueller's reliquo tempore me domi tenui...ad Balbum scripsi.
31 Pompey was murdered on landing in Egypt on the 28th of September. The coldness of this reference does not accord well with Cicero's former warm expressions as to his "gratitude"to Pompey. But his language in regard to him is by no means uniformly that of admiration, often quite the reverse; and there had been much strained feeling between them in the camp in Epirus.
32 C. Fannius, tribune in B.C. 59. He was sent to Sicily B.C. 49 (vol., ii., p.252), but appears not to have gone, or at any rate he soon returned and joined Pompey in Epirus (ib. p.308). Whether he fell at Pharsalia, or afterwards with Pompey, we have no other information.
33 L. Cornelius Lentulus Crus, one