land and people love I well.
Oh no! etc.
Which is the German's Fatherland?
So name to me that mighty land.
The Austrian land it sure must be,
With glory crowned and victory!
Oh no! etc.
Which is the German's Fatherland?
So name to me that mighty land.
Is't what the Princes' hollow theft,
From Emperor and from Empire reft?
Oh no! etc.
Which is the German's Fatherland?
So name me finally that land!
Wide as the German tree tongue springs,
And hymns to God in heaven sings!
That shall it be! that shall it be!
That land brave German's giv'n to thee!
That is the German's Fatherland,
Where oaths are sworn by grasp of hand;
Where in all eyes clear truth doth shine;
Where in warm hearts sits love benign.
That shall it be! etc.
That is the German's Fatherland,
Where foreign folly scorn doth brand;
Where all that's base 'neath hate must bend;
Where all that's noble name we Friend.
That shall it be! that shall it be!
That whole, the German land shall be!
That whole, the German land shall be!
O God of Heaven! hither see!
And give us genuine German soul,
That we may love it high and whole.
That shall it be! etc.
But with the peace which succeeded the second overthrow of Napoleon, the expectations of the German nation began to exhibit themselves more clearly; and out of the disproportion between them and that which was done to satisfy them, sprang the germs of mistrust between the princes and the people. The opening of the Bundesversammlung, or confederated assembly, Nov. 5, 1816, betrayed not only the imperfection of the constitution, which had been thrown together in a hurry, but also the uncertainty of the assembly itself, of the extent of its delegated powers. Its declaration that Germany was not to be considered as a united state, but as a confederation of states--(nicht als ein Bundesstaat, sondern als ein Staaten-bund)--gave the less satisfaction, as it was just contrary to what was desired. The nation desired earnestly a common all-embracing bond of union and communion, and not merely a confederacy of their sovereign princes, which the interests of the moment, as they had originated it, would also dissolve again.
The general excitement in Germany received a palpable point of demand in the thirteenth article of the Act of Confederation. In most of the German states the anxiety for a representative constitution displayed itself in such a manner as rendered in the highest degree difficult an accordance between princes and subjects.
In Prussia especially, the constitution of the monarchy opposed so many difficulties to the establishment of a national representation, that its postponement was inevitable; and passionate discontent saw in the impracticability nothing but an evil disposition. In the other German states, the steps made towards the passing of a constitution conducted to as little result; the princes and popular representatives could not agree, since the first were as sparing in their concessions as the latter were unbounded in their demands. But the spirit which was in Germany striving after the constitutional organization of states, had not every where confined itself within due bounds. The secret unions which were formed during the ascendency of Napoleon still continued. The excitement of the public mind, which at an earlier period had been favoured even by the government itself, so far from having subsided, had rather received a new impulse, and as it had now necessarily lost its outward tendency, it sought to take effect in the heart of Germany. The government saw with suspicion the drift of the secret unions, and their influence on the Gymnastic schools and universities; they heard with astonishment, the bold language of the rising generation approximating itself to political fanaticism. The German Confederation satisfied not these heads on fire with ideas of one and a free Germany. The restoration of the empire, in connexion with one of the prevailing theories of conformable national representation, was the master desire of a numerous party, which was spread wide through Germany, and rendered the universities the seminaries of their doctrines. The youth entered with pride into the idea, that they were called to work out their salvation, from the circumstances to which their fathers had reduced them. Political notions of the Middle Ages mingled themselves in the heads of the student youth, with the revolutionary doctrines of modern times, and received, moreover, from religious enthusiasm, a dark addition. Thus degenerated the Burschenschaft, in a manner most deeply to be deplored, and demonstrated in a melancholy degree how near to each other lie the boundaries of truth and falsehood. Noble patriotism metamorphosed itself into a gloomy fanaticism,--zeal for religion and morals, into a hollow hypocrisy, and into a still more dangerous pseudo-philosophy. The landsmannschafts became continually weaker in the German universities, and the young men every day added themselves to the burschenschaft in greater numbers. Truly the greater number of them never dreamed to what lengths such a political fanaticism could lead them; and only by degrees and unobserved mounted the arrogance of an inconsiderate youth, till at length it persuaded itself that it alone had fought out the liberation war, and therefore was now called to give to Fatherland a new constitution.
These perilous imaginations grew continually faster and faster into that horrible avalanche which threatened to overwhelm every thing. What a difference between the years 1816 and 1817, when one compares the celebration of the peace anniversary of 1816, with that of the celebration of the October days of 1817!
On the 18th, 19th, and 20th of January, 1816, Jena, amongst other universities, celebrated the peace-festival in a style and manner, which, say the newspapers of the time, deserve to be published and handed down to posterity.
The report of this festival stands thus:--On the 16th day of January was issued from the grand-ducal police commission, and the city council of Jena, a public programme in regard to this festival. In pursuance of its ordinations, on the 17th, all the bells were rung at noon. Before and after the ringing, mortars and cannon were fired at the outer gate. At eight o'clock in the evening the Landsturm beat tattoo with music.
On the 18th, in the morning, solemn music sounded from the towers, with drum and trumpet, and firing of cannon. At nine o'clock assembled at the council-house, the clergy, the city authorities, and the elder burgers not belonging to the Landsturm, whither also an hour later proceeded the whole body of school youth with their teachers. At ten o'clock, the assembled company moved thence in procession to the city church. A division of the Landsturm, as the procession arrived before the church, made way for it Behind this division walked, as leader of the whole procession, the depositor, or master of the ceremonies, in a black dress, and next to him went the academical officials. Behind these came two beadles, with silver sceptres, and cloaks of red cloth, preceding the then prorector regens, Herr Hofrath Dr. Seidenstecker, the prorector being, however, as well as the prorector designatus, Herr Hofrath Dr. Voigt, who followed him, supported by two students. To the prorectors succeeded the deacons of the four faculties, two and two, and then followed the senate, the professors, the docenten, and the students, whose banner was borne before them. As the train came in front of the council-house, that of the city authorities joined it and proceeded with it to the church, in which each party took their respective seats. A second division of the Landsturm brought up the rear of the train. All conducted themselves with the decorum and dignity befitting this day, and the appearance of the whole congregation excited a lively feeling of something high and important.
When the service was concluded, the train quitted the church in the same order in which it had entered it. At the council-house, the procession