anni 1984. Namur: Peeters, pp. 82–86.
4 Delavault, B., Lemaire, A. (1979). Les inscriptions phéniciennes de Palestine. Rivista di Studi Fenici, 7, pp. 1–37.
5 Donner, H., Röllig, W. (1973). Kanaanäische und aramäische Inschriften, 3 vols. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
6 Elayi, J. (1989). Sidon, cité autonome de l’Empire perse. Paris: Idéaphane.
7 Elayi, J. (2006). An updated chronology of the reigns of Phoenician kings during the Persian period (539–333 BCE). Transeuphratène, 32, pp. 11–43.
8 Elayi, J. (2007). Gerashtart, king of the Phoenician city of Arwad in the 4th cent. BC. Numismatic Chronicle, 167, pp. 99–104.
9 Elayi, J. (2009). Byblos, cité sacrée (8e‐4 e s. av. J.‐C.). Paris: Gabalda.
10 Elayi, J., Elayi, A.G. (1997). Recherches sur les poids phéniciens. Paris: Gabalda.
11 Elayi, J., Elayi, A.G. (2004). Le monnayage de la cité de Sidon à l’époque perse (V e‐IV e s. av. J.‐C.). Paris: Gabalda.
12 Elayi, J., Elayi, A.G. (2009). The Coinage of the Phoenician City of Tyre in the Persian Period (5th–4th cent. BCE). Leuven, Paris, and Walpole: Peeters.
13 Elayi, J., Sapin, J. (2000). Quinze ans de recherches (1985–2000) sur la Transeuphratène à l’époque perse. Paris: Gabalda.
14 Gibson, J.C.L. (1982). Textbook of Semitic Inscriptions: Vol. III: Phoenician Inscriptions. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
15 Lemaire, A. (2000). Épigraphie et religion en Palestine à l’époque achéménide. Transeuphratène, 22, pp. 97–113.
16 Lemaire, A. (2003). Amulette phénicienne giblite en argent. In R. Deutsch (ed.), Shlomo: Studies in Honor of Shlomo Moussaieff. Tel Aviv‐Jaffa: Archaeological Center Publication, pp. 155–174.
17 Lozachmeur, H., Pezin, M. (1994). De Tyr: un nouvel étui et son amulette magique à inscription. Bulletin d’Égyptologie, 106, pp. 361–371.
18 Masson, O., Sznycer, M. (1972). Recherches sur les Phéniciens à Chypre. Genève, Paris: Droz.
19 Pisano, G., Travaglini, A. (2003). Le iscrizioni fenicie e puniche dipinte (Studia Punica 13). Roma: Università degli Studi di Roma “Tor Vergata.”.
20 Puech, É. (1986). Les inscriptions phéniciennes d’Amrit et les dieux guérisseurs du sanctuaire. Syria, 63, pp. 327–342.
21 Sader, H. (1990). Deux épigraphes phéniciennes inédites. Syria, 67, pp. 318–321.
22 Sader, H. (1998). Phoenician inscriptions from Beirut. In L.H. Lesko (ed.), Ancient Egyptian and Mediterranean Studies in Memory of W.A. Ward. Providence: Department of Egyptology, Brown University, pp. 203–213.
23 Sader, H. (2005). Iron Age Funerary Stelae from Lebanon. Barcelone: Cuadernos de Arqueologia Mediterranea.
24 Stucky, R.A. (2005). Das Eschmun‐Heiligtum von Sidon: Architektur und Inschriften. Basel: Archäologisches Seminar der Universität.
25 Sznycer, M. (2004). Idalion: capitale économique des rois phéniciens de Kition et d’Idalion. Cahiers du Centre d’Études Chypriotes, 34, pp. 86–100.
26 Xella, P., Zamora, J.‐A. (2004). Une nouvelle inscription de Bodashtart, roi de Sidon, sur la rive du Nahr al‐Awwali près de Bustan esh‐sheikh. Bulletin d’Archéologie et d’Architecture Libanaises, 8, pp. 273–300.
FURTHER READING
1 Elayi, J. (2009). Byblos, cité sacrée (8e–4e s. av. J.‐C.). Paris: Gabalda. All the Byblian inscriptions dated from the Persian period, with translation and commentary.
2 Gibson, J.C.L. (1982). Textbook of Semitic Inscriptions III: Phoenician Inscriptions. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Selected Phoenician inscriptions, with translation and commentary.
3 Masson, O., Sznycer, M. (1972). Recherches sur les Phéniciens à Chypre. Genève‐Paris: Droz. The main inscriptions from Cyprus, with translation and commentary.
4 Schmitz, P.C. (2012). The Phoenician Diaspora, Epigraphic and Historical Studies. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns. Gives an updated overview and studies of most of the Phoenician inscriptions, with their historical implications.
NOTE
1 1 A project has been conceptualized to assemble all the Phoenician inscriptions of the Persian period, together with other texts and categories of documentation, on the website of P. Briant at the Collège de France: www.achemenet.com. The part concerning the Phoenician inscriptions has not yet been performed.
CHAPTER 12 Egyptian Sources
Günter Vittmann
Most of the contemporary evidence for the First Persian Domination (27th Dynasty, 526–404/1 BCE) in Egyptian language is datable to the reigns of Cambyses and above all Dareios I. A naophorous statue in the Vatican Museum had probably been set up by its owner Udjahorresnet in the temple of the goddess Neith in Sais in the Western Delta (Kuhrt 2010: pp. 117–122; Vittmann 2003: Pl. 15; here Figure 12.1). According to the inscriptions of this monument, Udjahorresnet played a fundamental role in integrating the conqueror Cambyses into traditional Egyptian royal ideology by establishing for him a pharaonic titulature and introducing him into the Temple of Sais to represent him as a pious ruler who respected Egyptian state religion. This image is also conveyed by a seal impression from Buto in the Delta which designates him as beloved by the goddess Uto (Kuhrt 2010: p. 127). The official epitaph issued in the name of Cambyses for the deceased Apis bull and the sarcophagus of the latter were discovered in the Serapeum at Saqqara (Kuhrt 2010: pp. 122–124). The classical tradition according to which Cambyses killed an Apis is neither confirmed nor contradicted by Egyptian sources, but some texts contain allusions to serious troubles at the beginning of the Persian conquest (Jansen‐Winkeln 2002). A Demotic papyrus from the Ptolemaic period depicts Cambyses as having heavily restricted the revenues of the temples (Kuhrt 2010: pp. 125–126). Cambyses is mentioned in some Demotic legal documents from Assiut concerning the conveyance of priestly offices and possessions within a family from the time of Amasis down to the reign of Cambyses (Spiegelberg 1932: pp. 39–53; Shore 1988).
Figure 12.1 Vatican, Museo Gregoriano Egizio: Naophorous statue of Udjahorresnet.
Source: Drawing by the author.
The long reign of Dareios I is represented both by monumental inscriptions and by administrative documents. Three large stelae with multilingual propagandistic texts were erected at the occasion of the building of a canal through the Red Sea near Tell el‐Maskhuta, Kabrit, and Suez (Posener 1936: pp. 48–87; Kuhrt 2010: pp. 485–486). A large, now headless statue of the king (Kuhrt 2010: pp. 477–482) had been made in Egypt and, before it was transported to Susa, placed in a temple (Heliopolis? Pithom?) “in order that he who will see it should know that the Persian man holds Egypt,” as the Old Persian text puts it. The hieroglyphic version avoids this provocation, preferring instead to stress the adaptation of the Achaemenid ruler to Egyptian royal ideology.
The large temple of Amun in Hibis (Kharga Oasis) was decorated under this ruler (Lippert 2016; here Figure 12.2), and his cartouche can also be seen in the sanctuary of the temple of Qasr el‐Ghueita in the same area (Darnell 2007). In general, however, royal involvement